returning to the class of peaceful citizens. But if the honours of a military life are become their object, let them seek those honours under the banners of their rightful sovereign, and in fighting the battles of the united British empire, against our late mutual and natural enemies.

To those whose profession it is to exercise the functions of religion on this continent, it cannot surely be unknown, that the sovereign power with which the congress is endeavouring to connect them, has ever been averse to toleration, and inveterately opposed to the interest and freedom of the places of worship which they serve; and that Great Britain, from whom they are, for the present, separated, must, both from the principles of her constitution and of protestantism, be at all times the best guardian of religious liberty, and most disposed to promote and extend it.

To all those who can estimate the blessings of peace and its influence over agriculture, arts, and commerce, who can feel a due anxiety for the education and establishment of their children, or who can place a just value on domestic security, we think it sufficient to observe, that they are made by their leaders to continue involved in all the calamities of war, without having either a just object to pursue, or a subsisting grievance which may not instantly be redressed.

But if there are any persons who, divested of mistaken resentments, and uninfluenced by selfish interests, really think that it is for the benefit of the colonies to separate themselves from Great Britain, and that so separated they will find a constitution more mild, more free, and better calculated for their prosperity than that which they heretofore enjoyed, and which we are disposed and empowered to renew and improve; with such persons we will not dispute a position which seems to be sufficiently contradicted by the experience they have had. But we think it right to leave them fully aware of the change, which the maintaining of such a position must make in the whole nature and future conduct of this war, more especially when to this position is added the pretended alliance with the court of France. The policy as well as the benevolence of Great Britain has thus far checked the extremes of war when they tended to distress a people still considered as our fellow-subjects, and to desolate a country shortly to become again a source of mutual advantage; but when that country professes the unnatural design not only of estranging herself from us, but of mortgaging herself and her resources to our enemies, the whole contest is changed; and the question is, how far Great Britain may, by every means in her power, destroy or render useless a connection contrived for her ruin and for the aggrandizement of France. Under such circumstances the laws of selfpreservation must direct the conduct of Great Britain, and if the British colonies are to become an accession to France, will direct her to render that accession of as little avail as possible to her enemy."

If, however, there are any who think that notwithstanding these

reasonings, the independence of the colonies will, in the result, be acknowledged by Great Britain, to them we answer, without reserve, that we neither possess nor expect powers for that purpose; and that if Great Britain could ever have sunk so low as to adopt such a measure, we should not have thought ourselves compellable to be the instruments in making a concession which would, in our opinion, be calamitous to the colonies, for whom it was made, and disgraceful, as well as calamitous to the country from which it is required. And we think proper to declare, that in this spirit and sentiment we have regularly written from the continent to Great Britain.

It will now become the colonies in general to call to mind their own solemn appeals to heaven in the beginning of this contest, that they took arms only for the redress of grievances, and that it would be their wish, as well as their interest, to remain for ever connected with Great Britain. We again ask them, whether all their grievances, real or supposed, have not been amply and fully redressed; and we insist that the offers we have made have nothing to be wished in point either of immediate liberty or permanent security; if those offers are now rejected, we withdraw from the exercise of a commission with which we have in vain been honoured; the same liberality will no longer be due from Great Britain, nor can it either in justice or policy be expected from her.

In fine, and for the fuller manifestation as well of the disposition we bear, as of the gracious and generous purposes of the commission under which we act, we hereby declare, that whereas his majesty, in pursuance of an act, made and passed in the last session of parliament, entitled, "An act to enable his majesty to appoint commissioners with sufficient power to treat, consult, and agree upon the means of quieting the disorders now subsisting in certain of the colonies, plantations, and provinces in North America," having been pleased to authorize and empower us to grant a pardon or pardons to any number or description of persons within the colonies, plantations and provinces of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, RhodeIsland, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. And whereas the good effects of the said authorities and powers toward the people at large, would have long since taken place if a due use had been made of our first communications and overtures; and have thus far been frustrated only by the precipitate resolution of the members of the congress not to treat with us, and by their declining to consult with their constituents, we now, in making our appeal to those constituents, and to the free inhabitants of this continent in general, have determined to give them what in our opinion should have been the first object of those who appeared to have taken the management of their interests, and adopt this mode of carrying the said aurthorities, and powers into execution. We accordingly hereby grant and

proclaim a pardon or pardons of all, and all manner of treasons or misprisions of treasons, by any person or persons within the said colonies, plantations or provinces, counselled, commanded, acted, or done, on or before the date of this manifesto and proclamation.

And we further declare and proclaim, that if any person or persons, or any number or description of persons within the said colonies, plantations or provinces, now actually serving either in a military or civil capacity in this rebellion, shall, at any time during the continuance of this manifesto and proclamation, withdraw himself or themselves from such civil or military service, and shall continue thenceforth peaceably, as a good and faithful subject or subjects to his Majesty, to demean himself or themselves, such person or persons, or such number and description of persons, shall become, and be fully entitled to, and hereby attain, all the benefit of the pardon or pardons hereby granted, excepting only from the said pardon or pardons, every person and every number or description of persons, who, after the date of this manifesto and proclamation, shall, under the pretext of authority, as judges, jurymen, ministers, or officers of civil justice, be instrumental in executing and putting to death any of his Majesty's subjects within the said colonies, plantations and provinces.

And we think proper further to declare, that nothing herein contained is meant, or shall be construed, to set at liberty any person or persons now being prisoner or prisoners, or who during the continuance of this rebellion shall become a prisoner or prisoners.

And we offer to the colonies at large, or separately, a general peace, with the revival of their ancient government, secured against any future infringements, and protected forever from taxation by Great Britain. And with respect to such further regulations, whether civil, military, or commercial, as they may wish to be framed and established, we promise all the concurrence and assistance that his majesty's commission authorizes and enables us to give.

And we further declare that this manifesto and proclamation shall continue to be in force FORTY DAYS from the date hereof; that is to say, from the third day of October, to the eleventh day of November, both inclusive.

And in order that the whole contents of this manifesto and proclamation may be more fully known, we shall direct copies thereof, both in the English and German language, to be transmitted by flags of truce to the congress, the general assemblies or conventions of the colonies, plantations and provinces, and to several persons both in civil and military capacities within the said colonies, plantations and provinces. And for the further security in times to come of the several persons, or numbers or descriptions of persons, who are or may be the objects of this manifesto and proclamation, we have set our hands and seals to thirteen copies thereof, and have transmitted the same to the thirteen colonies, plantations and provinces abovementioned, and we are willing to hope that the whole

of this manifesto and proclamation will be fairly and freely published and circulated for the immediate, general, and most serious consideration and benefit of all his majesty's subjects on this continent. And we earnestly exhort all persons who by this instrument forthwith receive the benefit of the king's pardon, at the same time that they entertain a becoming sense of those lenient and affectionate measures whereby they are now freed from many grievous charges which might have risen in judgment, or been brought in question against them, to make a wise improvement of the situation in which this manifesto and proclamation places them, and not only to recollect that a perseverance in the present rebellion, or any adherence to the treasonable connection attempted to be framed with a foreign power, will, after the present grace extended, be considered as crimes of the most aggravated kind; but to vie with each other in eager and cordial endeavours to secure their own peace, and promote and establish the prosperity of their countrymen, and the general weal of the empire.

And pursuant to his majesty's commission, we hereby require all officers civil and military, and all others his majesty's loving subjects whatsoever, to be aiding and assisting us in the execution of this our manifesto and proclamation, and of all the matters herein contained. Given at New-York, this third day of October, 1778.

By his Ecellency's command,

(L. S.)

CARLISLE,
H. CLINTON, (L. s.)
WM. EDEN, (L. S.)

ADAM FERGUSON, Secretary."

By the Congress of the United States of America.

MANIFESTO.

THESE United States having been driven to hostilities by the oppressive and tyrannous measures of Great Britain; having been compelled to commit the essential rights of man to the decision of arms; and having been at length forced to shake off a yoke which had grown too burthensome to bear, they declared themselves free and independent.

Confiding in the justice of their cause; confiding in Him who disposes of human events, although weak and unprovided, they set the power of their enemies at defiance.

In this confidence they have continued, through the various fortune of three bloody campaigns, unawed by the powers, unsubdued by the barbarity of their foes. Their virtuous citizens have borne, without repining, the loss of many things which made life desirable. Their brave troops have patiently endured the hardships and dangers of a situation, fruitful in both beyond example.

The Congress considering themselves bound to love their ene

mies, as children of that Being who is equally the Father of all, and desirous, since they could not prevent, at least to alleviate the calamities of war, have studied to spare those who were in arms against them, and to lighten the chains of captivity.

The conduct of those serving under the King of Great Britain hath, with some few exceptions, been diametrically opposite. They have laid waste the open country, burned the defenceless villages, and butchered the citizens of America. Their prisons have been the slaughter-houses of her soldiers; their ships of her scamen; and the severest injuries. have been aggravated by the grossest insults.

Foiled in their vain attempt to subjugate the unconquerable spirit of freedom, they have meanly assailed the Representatives of America with bribes, with deceit, and the servility of adulation. They have made a mock of humanity, by the wanton destruction of men; they have made a mock of religion, by impious appeals to God, whilst in the violation of his sacred commands; they have made a mock even of reason itself, by endeavouring to prove, that the liberty and happiness of America could safely be entrusted to those who have sold their own, unawed by the sense of virtue, or of shame.

Treated with the contempt which such conduct deserved, they have applied to individuals; they have solicited them to break the bonds of allegiance, and imbrue their souls with the blackest of crimes; but fearing that none could be found through these United States, equal to the wickedness of their purpose, to influence weak minds, they have threatened more wide devastation.

While the shadow of hope remained, that our enemies could be taught by our example to respect those laws which are held sacred among civilized nations, and to comply with the dictates of a reli-gion which they pretend in common with us to believe and revere,. they have been left to the influence of that religion, and that example. But since their incorrigible dispositions cannot be touched by kindness and compassion, it becomes our duty by other means to vindicate the rights of humanity.

We, therefore, the Congress of the United States of America, DO SOLEMNLY DECLARE AND PROCLAIM, That if our enemies presume to execute their threats, or persist in their present career of barbarity, we will take such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a like conduct. We appeal to that God who searcheth the hearts of men, for the rectitude of our intentions. And in his holy presence we declare, That as we are not moved by any light and hasty suggestions of anger or revenge, so through every possible change of fortune, we will adhere to this our determination.

Done in Congress, by unanimous consent, the thirtieth day of Oc-tober, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight.

Attest

CHARLES THOMPSON. Sec."