́colonel of a regiment, commander in chief of the commander in chief of the province? Or even independent upon him? We remember the time when Brigadier Timothy Ruggles, commander in chief of Massachusetts troops, was put under the command of a British ensign for a whole campaign. Is the whole civil authority of the province, now to be placed under the command of a lieutenant-colonel of a British regiment? To talk or think of liberty or privileges, under a military government, is as idle and absurd, as under an ecclesiastical government.

How slightly soever historians may have past over this event, the blood of the martyrs, right or wrong, proved to be the seeds of the congregation. Not the battle of Lexington or Bunkers' Hill: not the surrender of Burgoyne or Cornwallis, were more important events in American history, than the battle of King-street, on the 5th of March, 1770.

The town of Boston instituted an annual oration in commemoration of this catastrophe, "Upon the danger of standing armies stationed in populous cities, in time of peace," and among the first orators, were such names as Hancock, Warren and Lovel.

These orations were read, I had almost said, by every body that could read, and scarcely ever with dry eyes. They have now been continued for forty-five years. Will you read them all? They were not long continued in their original design: but other gentlemen, with other views, had influence enough to obtain a change from "standing armies" to "feelings which produced the revolution." Of these forty-five orations, I have read as many as I have seen. They have varied with all the changes of our politics. They have been made the engine of bringing forward to public notice, young gentlemen of promising genius, whose connections and sentiments were tolerable to the prevailing opinions of the moment. There is juvenile ingenuity in all that I have read. There are few men of consequence among us, who did not commence their career by an oration on the fifth of March. I have read these orations, with a mixture of grief,. pleasure and pity. Young gentlemen of genius describing scenes they never saw, and descanting on feelings they never felt,-and which great pains had been taken that they never should feel.When will these orations end? And when will they cease to be monuments of the fluctuations of public opinion, and general feeling in Boston, Massachusetts, New-England and the United States? They are infinitely more indicative of the feelings of the moment, than of the feelings that produced the revolution.

Remember, Sir, that I am not writing history, or annals. only stating a few facts, and suggesting a few hints. If I could be 50 years younger, and had nothing better to do, I would have these orations collected and printed in volumes; and then write the history of the last forty-five years in commentaries upon them. JOHN ADAMS.

Quincy, January 1st, 1816.

DR. MORSE,
From 1760 to 1766, was the purest period of patriotism. From
1766 to 1776, was the period of corruption. From 1775 to 1783 was
the period of war, not a revolutionary war, for the revolution was
completed in the minds of the people, and the union of the colonies,
before the war commenced in the skirmishes of Concord and Lex-
ington, on the 19th of April, 1775. In 1766 commenced the separa-
tion of parties. The stamp-act was repealed; universal rejoicings
had run like wild fire through the continent; but Chatham's declara-
tory act of the sovereignty of Parliament hung like a cloud over the
whole American continent; thinking men and discerning eyes saw
it, and amidst all the popular rejoicings, dreaded its ominous appear-
ance. The public opinion thought it a brutum fulmen, a mere de
vice to preserve the nominal dignity of Great Britain, without any
intention of ever bringing it forward into action. When the general
court met in May, Mr. Otis's services, sacrifices and exertions had
been so splendid, that the house of representatives, by a spontaneous
and almost unanimous feeling of gratitude, chose him their speaker.
Bernard negatived him. Hutchinson, without whom Bernard was
nothing, was instantly believed to be the adviser to this declaration
of hostility. The conviction flashed like lightning through the com-
munity, that the sovereignty of parliament was not to be relinquished,
and that future calamities must be expected. The house of repre-
sentatives was electrified to such a degree, that when the election of
counsellors came upon the carpet, Hutchinson, though lieutenant-
governor and chief justice, and all his brother judges of the superior
court of judicature, court of assizes, and general gaol delivery, were
turned out of the counsel, and a general looking for future troubles
took place. It was now seen that every man who espoused the
cause of his country, must prepare himself for the fate of a martyr, or
confessor; and that every man, of any consequence, who would be-
tray his country, might expect lucrative, as well as honourable re-
wards. Honourable, I mean, in the common sense of the word in
the world. It was not long, before these apprehensions were con-
firmed. A bill was brought into parliament, imposing taxes on
glass, tea, paper, colours, &c. imported into the colonies.
The great Chatham was destined to

"Close his long glories with a sigh to find
"The unwilling gratitude of base mankind."

Although his name still carried great power; the mortification arising from the loss of so much of his popularity, by his acceptance of a peerage and a pension: the unbounded liecentiousness of the press in abusing him for it; and perhaps above all, the embarrassments he had found in forming a ministry among the factions of Rockingham, and Bedford, and Bute, when his brother, Lord Temple, and even the Duke of Portland, deserted him; aggravated the natural

and habitual infirmity of his constitution, and rendered him incapable of that activity in business, and that fire, which inspired every body with his own enthusiasm, and which had been so conspicuous in all parts of his former life.

This new act of tyrannical taxation, rekindled all the fires of opposition and resistance, on this side the water. The associations against its execution were universal through all the colonies, and ought to be stated and related in detail; because they illustrate the progress of the revolution in the minds of the people against the authority of parliament, towards a union of the colonies, and total independence on the one hand; and the progress of corruption and seduction on the other. Another innovation was contrived, and a board of commissioners of the customs erected; but the remonstrances and associations against the execution of the acts were so formidable, that the ministry thought it necessary to send a fleet and army to protect Temple, Hallowell, Faxton, Birch and Robertson, and their adherents and followers. In 1768 there appeared a general disposition to oppose their landing, by force. But many gentlemen apprehending confusion from unconcerted resistance, took measures, for inviting a convention of the province. The circumstances of this year ought to be distinctly developed, and the result of the convention stated. The fleet was drawn up to fire upon the town, and protect the landing of those illustrious personages, the commissioners, and their drunken secretary, and their defenders, the troops, which were given out to be four thousand men, though probably they were not half the number. These poor creatures, the soldiers, were in a forlorn condition. No barracks, no shelter, hungry and cold. The inhabitants shut their doors, and would admit panthers and serpents as soon. The address of their officers upon this dangerous crisis, I shall never forget. They became suppliants, and appealed to hu manity. Had the door of a citizen been broken to let in the soldiers, such was the inflammation of spirits, that they would all have been made prisoners before morning. But the officers had too much sense. They put themselves and their men upon the compassionate list. "The poor soldiers were innocent; they knew not why they were sent here. Can you see your fellow creatures perish in your streets, for want of shelter." Humanity prevailed. The troops were paraded on the common; one regiment appeared every day in Brattle-square, with their left flank before the front of the white house, where I then lived. Every morning I saw from my front windows Major Small, exercising his battalion or his regiment, and admired his patient, persevering assiduity no less than the regularity of his men. What were my reflections and feelings at these sights! Poor puppets! You know nothing of the invisible hand which dances you upon its wires! no more than the cogs and wheels of a clock, of the weights that move them, or the hand which they point to. The men who understand the machinery, and are the first springs of its movements, know no more of what they are doing,

than you do. They are heaping up vengeance against the day of vengeance, against you, against themselves, and against unnumbered thousands of others, as innocent as you. Major Small and I passed each other every day, but never spoke. Twenty years afterwards, we passed each other at public places of amusements in London, as Dido and Æneas passed each other in the shades, but never spoke. The troops lived in Boston for a few months more than a year, as the allied forces now reside in France, the blood of the inhabitants boiling with indignation, and the continent sympathizing with them. Wrangles and quarrels frequently occurred between the citizens and the soldiers; exasperation increased on both sides, till it broke out in the melancholy catastrophe of the 8th of March, 1770. Now appeared the spirit of freemen. Multitudes from Boston, and the neighbouring towns, assembled spontaneously the next day, and from day to day. Strong guards were placed in the state-house, and every man appeared to be ready at the toll of a bell, or the sound of a gun, to turn out with his arms. The assembly applied to the governor and council; Mr. Hutchinson was lieutenant-governor and commander in chief.-Collard Dalrymple was sent for. Samuel Adams appeared in his true character. His caution, his discretion, his ingenuity, his sagacity, his self command, his presence of mind, and his intrepidity, commanded the admiration and loud applauses of both parties. The troops were ordered to the castle, and Lord North called them from this time, "Samuel Adams' two regiments." JOHN ADAMS.

DEAR SIR,

Quincy, January 20, 1816.

In the order of time, I have passed over a tragical event, which excited much interest, and contributed largely to render the sovereignty of Parliament odious, detestable, and horrible to the people; and I can conscientiously add, accelerated the catastrophe of the fifth of March, 1770.

In 1769, a little before the recal of Governor Bernard, the British frigate, The Rose, sent a lieutenant, a midshipman, and a press-gang of sailors, on board a ship of Mr. Hooper, of Marblehead, then returning from Bilboa, upon the recruiting service. The lieutenant demanded of the captain a sight of his crew. The crew were called. "Are here all ?" No answer. "Search the ship," said the imperious lieutenant. Away flew the midshipman, and his gang of loyal sailors, through every part of the ship, to search for hidden seamen. At last the cry was heard, "here they are." Four sailors had hid themselves in the fore-peak of the ship, the place most likely to be overlooked in a search. The fore-peak was immediately invaded by the lieutenant, the midshipman, and the whole press-gang, armed with swords and pistols. Michael Corbett and Lieutenant Panton argued the cause; but neither being convinced, resort was had to the ratio ultima, and an amiable youth was laid dead at the feet of Mi

chael Corbett. A boat was sent to the Rose, and a strong reinforcement to the press-gang, who soon broke down all before them, seized the four sailors, one of whom was bleeding, with an arm broken by a pistol-ball, shot by the midshipman, at random, among the four, in the first assault upon the fore-peak.

A special Court of Admiralty was summoned, according to act of Parliament, to try these four sailors for piracy and murder on the high seas, in killing Lieutenant Panton; when in law, truth, and conscience, the commander of the Rose frigate ought to have been prosecuted for piracy and murder on the high seas, in illegally sending a press-gang to enslave freemen, and compelling them, in self-defence, to destroy their invader and intended destroyer; or, in the better language of the boatswain of the Rose frigate," to deprive honest men of their liberty."

The constitution of this court ought to be stated by an historian. It consisted of the governors of Massachusetts, Bernard, and NewHampshire, Wentworth; Judge of Admiralty, Auchmuty; Commander of the Navy, Commodore Hood; and Counsellors from several colonies, to the number of fifteen. Whether Hutchinson sat as Lieutenant-Governor or as Chief Justice, I know not. When the court opened, the counsel of the poor prisoners presented pleas to the jurisdiction of the court, and if that should be overruled, requesting and demanding that a jury should be summoned, to try the facts, according to the course of the common law.

What has become of the records of this court; whether they have been sent to Halifax, or to London; whether they remain in any repository in Boston, or whether they have been burned, like most of the records of this world, I know not. But if they exist, they will show four pleas, drawn at great length, stating the laws, principles and reasonings on which they were founded, and each of them signed by one of the four prisoners, or by his counsel. These pleadings, contemptible as they may appear, at this day, cost the counsel many days of painful research, and the mere composition, and draught of them, cost more than one sleepless night, in the handwriting.

When the prisoners were arraigned, they presented these four pleas to the court; and their counsel appeared, to support them, with his arguments and books of authority, against Mr. Sewall himself, and the other counsel for the crown. But the counsel, on neither side, were permitted to say a word. Hutchinson started up, and with a countenance, which remains deeply engraven on my retina to this hour, expressive of the designs and passions, the fears and apprehensions, that agitated and tormented his soul, moved that the court should adjourn to the Council Chamber. No opposition! No reason pro or con-the countenances of the innocents, and the simple, on the bench, indicating some surprize; but the knowing ones manifesting a knowledge, or at least a pleasing conjecture of the secret. The prisoners were remanded; parties, witnesses, counsel,