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were threatened. And this pious, moral system was pursued, with steady and invariable perseverance, for ten years, i. e. from 1765 to 1775. And what was their success ?-Blot it out, my tears! But the recording angel has noted it, and my lamentations would be vain. In the course of these ten years they formed, and organised, and drilled, and disciplined a party in favour of Great Britain, and they seduced and deluded, nearly one third of the people of the colonies.

If you can spare the time, and take the pains to inquire, you may find a catalogue in New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina, and Georgia, of names, among whom were many men of the first rank, station, property, education, influence and power, who, in 1765, had been real or pretended Americans, converted, during this period, to real Britons.

Let me confine myself to Massachusetts, and here to a few only of individuals. In 1764 and 1765, Harrison Gray, Esq. Treasurer of the Province, and member of his majesty's council, and Col. Brattle, of Cambridge, also a member of his majesty's council, and colonel of a regiment of militia, were both as open and decided Americans as James Otis. In 1766, Dr. Mayhew, who had been an oracle to the treasurer, died, and left him without a Mentor. Had Mayhew lived, it is believed that Gray would never have been a refugee. But the seducers prevailed, though he had connected his blood with an Otis, by marrying his beautiful daughter, to a brother of the great patriot, James Otis, Jr.

Brattle was a divine, a lawyer, and a physician, and however superficial in each character, had acquired great popularity by his zeal, and I must say by his indiscreet and indecorous ostentation of it, against the measures of the British government. The two subtle spirits, Hutchinson and Sewall, saw his character, as well as Trowbridge, who had been his rival at the bar, for many years. Sewall was the chosen spirit, to convert Brattle. Sewall became, all at once, intimate with Brattle. Brattle was soon converted, and soon announced a Brigadier-General in the militia. From this moment the tories pronounced Brattle a convert, and the whigs, an apostate. This rank in the militia, in time of peace, was an innovation, and it was instantly perceived to have been invented to take in the gudgeon. Jonathan Sewall, Daniel Leonard, and Samuel Quincy, were my brother barristers at the bar, and my cordial, confidential and bosom friends. I never, in the whole course of my life, lived with any men in more perfect intimacy. They had all been patriots, as decided, as I believed, as I was. I have already hinted at the manner and means of Sewall's conversion.

Daniel Leonard was the only child of Col. Ephraim Leonard, of Norton. He was a scholar, a lawyer, and an orator, according to the standard of those days. As a member of the House of Representatives, even down to the year 1770, he made the most ardent speeches, which were delivered in that house, against Great Britain,

and in favour of the colonies. His popularity became alarming. The two sagacious spirits, Hutchinson and Sewall, soon penetrated his character, of which, indeed, he had exhibited very visible proofs. He had married a daughter of Mr. Hammock, who had left her a portion, as it was thought, in that day. He wore a broad gold lace, round the rim of his hat; he had made his cloak glitter, with laces still broader. He had set up his chariot and pair, and constantly travelled in it from Taunton to Boston. This made the world stare. It was a novelty. Not another lawyer in the province, attorney or barrister, of whatever age, reputation, rank or station, presumed to ride in a coach or chariot. The discerning ones soon perceived that wealth and power must have charms to a heart that delighted in so much finery, and indulged in such universal expense. Such marks could not escape the vigilant eyes of the two arch-tempters, Hutchinson and Sewall, who had more art, insinuation and address, than all the rest of their party. Poor Daniel was beset, with great zeal for his converson. Hutchinson sent for him, courted him with the ardour of a lover, reasoned with him, flattered him, overawed him, frightened him, invited him to come frequently to his house. As I was intimate with Mr. Leonard, during the whole of this process, I had the substance of this information from his own mouth; was a witness to the progress of the impression made upon him, and to many of the labours and struggles of his mind, between his interest, or his vanity, and his duty.

Samuel Quincy was born in the same town and parish with me. I was three years at college with him, and as intimate with him as with any one there. We were sworn at the bar in October, 1758, together on the same day. He was upright at first in his views, though he meddled not much in politics; but he belonged to a club who affected to be thought neutral, though their real propensities were all on one side. This gentleman could not escape the notice of Hutchinson, and Sewall, who had married his cousin. History must search the human heart. Josiah Quincy, Jr. who was by many years younger than Samuel, his brother; many years after him at college and at the bar; possessing more energy of character, more ardour of spirit, more obstinate, and patient, and persevering application to study, and to business, and an eloquence more popular and imposing than all his other qualities, and openly espousing the cause of his country soon eclipsed his brother, and attracted and commanded much more business and much more important and lucrative business in his profession, than his elder brother. Such a rivalry and such a jealousy, was more than human nature could bear, at least in this instance. Hutchinson and Sewall perceived it. They accordingly applied their magic arts to him. He was made SolicitorGeneral as successor to Sewall; and became henceforward, a tory and a refugee.

My class-mate Brown, a solid, judicious character, was once a disciple of James Otis, and a cordial supporter of him and his cause›

in the House of Representatives. This I know from his own lips, as well as from his recorded votes. But they made him a Judge of the Superior Court, and that society made him a refugee. A tory, I verily believe, he never was.

I know the grief, the resentment and the rage, that this narration will excite in many families. But I owe nothing to them, and every thing to truth. I could descend to minuter details, and to many inferior examples, in Boston and Massachusetts; but these may suffice, for the present, as specimens or exemplifications of the arts that were employed in all the colonies for ten years, i. e. from 1765 to 1775, to divide the people, and form a party in favour of Great Britain. Where is the historian, who can and will travel through the United States and investigate all the similar intrigues in each of them for the same purpose? Yet, without this, the real history of the United States, and especially of their revolution, never can be written. I could crowd sheets of paper with anecdotes and names which would surprise you, of conversions in the other states. If you insist upon it, I may hereafter give you a few of the most conspicuous names and characters. But I give you notice, that not one of your friends, the federalists, through the continent, will thank you for your curiosity.

There is another very remarkable source of historical information, now totally forgotton. So unanimous were the sentiments, and so universal the congenial feelings of the people of Massachusetts, in 1764 and 1765, that almost, if not quite, every town in the province, was aroused to instruct their representatives in General Court; all breathing the same spirit; all decided against submission. These instructions were read in the house, and it was proposed and expected, that they should be published in volumes. But the expense, and especially the repeal of the stamp-act, prevented it. I know not how well, or how ill, the records and files of our legislature have been preserved; but these documents ought now to be found somewhere. Still less do I know how the records of towns have been kept or preserved; but these instructions ought to be in the hands of the TownClerks.

There is another large tract of inquiry to be travelled, in the correspondence of the committees of the town of Boston, with the other towns and states, commonly called the committees of correspondence. For reasons too numerous to be stated at present, I never belonged to any of these committees, and have never seen one of their letters sent or received. None of them have ever been published, at least I have never seen one. Nevertheless, I doubt not they exist. Where they are I know not, and I never knew. Indeed Í never inquired. But in my opinion, the history of the United States never can be written, till they are discovered. What an engine! France imitated it, and produced a revolution. England and Scotland were upon the point of imitating it, in order to produce

another revolution; and all Europe was inclined to imitate it, for the same revolutionary purpose.

The history of the world for the last thirty years, is a sufficient commentary upon it. That history ought to convince all mankind, that committees of secrect correspondence, are dangerous machines that they are caustics, and incision knives; to which recourse should be had but in the last extremities of life-in the last question between life and death.

In this year, 1765, the congress met at New-York. Their proceedings must be stated: but it must also be remembered, that a part of that body, very important at that time, was hostile to the business; and their influence is visible in the complexion of the results. The assembly, nevertheless, was so prominent a phenomenon, as to draw the attention of other nations, as well as this, to the question concerning the authority of parliament, and raised the hopes of the people to a union of the colonies, to be accomplished and perfected by future more universal congresses, for their defence, protection, and security. I am sir, as ever,

DR. MORSE,

JOHN ADAMS.

Quincy, January 5th, 1816.

The trials of the officer and soldiers who were indicted for the slaughter in King-street, were pending for the greatest part of the year 1770, and when they came on, consumed six or seven days each. The discussions and decisions in those cases convinced the people, that they could depend on noprotection against the sovereignty of Parliament, but Providence and their own arms. Accordingly they were found in Boston and all the neighbouring towns, forming companies for voluntary military exercises. Even Salem, Marblehead, and Newbury caught the flame, though the county of Essex, next to Worcester and Hampshire, was the last to abandon the ministry and their governors.

These trials, as important in the history of mankind, as any that are recorded in the history of jurisprudence, never have been and never can be truly, impartially and faithfully, represented to posterity. The first was taken down and transmitted to England by a Scottish or English stenographer, without any known authority but his own. The British government have never permitted it to see the light, and probably never will.

The second trial was taken by the same stenographer by permission of the court, and allowed to be published. The court allowed him to shew his manuscript to the council. He brought it to me. Upon reading it over, I found so much inaccuracy and so many errors, that I scratched out every thing but the legal authorities, and the testimonies of the witnesses. Mr. Quincy and Mr. Paine were consulted, and the result of their eliberations appears in the printed trial. Mr. Sewall, the attorney-general, who ought at the hazard of his exist

ence to have conducted those prosecutions, disappeared: and Mr. Paine and Mr. Samuel Quincy were substituted, no body knew whether by the court or the attorney-general. I leave to the masters of chess, to make their reflections on this curious arrangement of kings, knights and pawns, upon the board. I speculated little on these puppet shows and idle games. To the law and the testimony, was my only maxim. The law and the testimony prevailed, and destroyed as much of my popularity, as Mr. Pitt lost by accepting a peerage and a pension. It was instantly propagated, that I had been bribed by an immense fee to sell my country. I never uttered a word, or suggested a hint alluding to fees, from first to last. A single guinea was put into my hand by the Irish infant, for a retaining fee; ten guineas were offered on the first trial, and eight at the second, and accepted without looking at them, or uttering a word. These nineteen guineas were all the fees I ever received for a whole year of distressing anxiety, and for thirteen or fourteen days of the hardest labour, in the trials, that I ever went through. Add to all this, the taunts, and scoffs, and bitter reproaches of the whigs; and the giggling and tittering of the tories, which was more provoking than all the

rest.

This great event turned the attention of all the colonies to it, and the supremacy of Parliament stared all men in the face. If Parliament was omnipotent, could enact what statutes they pleased, and employ armies and navies, governors, counsellors and judges to interpret them, and carry them into execution; of what use could our house of representatives be? And what were our religion, liberties, properties or existence worth? I recollect no event, which increased the horror of Parliamentary usurpation so much as this. The journals, the pamphlets, and the records of this period ought to be collected, and examined with patient attention. About this period, parties in England were as angry as in America. Wilkes and Junius agitated king, ministry, parliament and nation. Oppositions pretended friendship for America: but no members of either house, of administration or opposition, ever dared to avow the true American principle, or to express a doubt of the supreme, unlimited authority of Parliament, over all the dominions of the crown.

Standing armies in time of peace, stationed in populous cities to preserve internal peace, Cato's letters, and the Independent Whig, and all the writings of Trenchard and Gordon, Mrs. Macauley's history, Burgh's political disquisitions, Clarendon's history of the civil war, and all the writings relative to the revolutions in England, became fashionable reading.

Hutchinson, whose ambition made him as weak as water, had declared publicly in council, that he had no authority over the king's troops that the military force had a separate command, and he could do nothing without Dalrymple. Good God! said the public, is this our situation already? Is a military authority already erected over the civil authority? Or independent of it? Is a lieutenant

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