The party had a complete triumph in this guilty deed; for though the wounds did not prove mortal, the consequences were tenfold worse than death. The future usefulness of this distinguished friend of his country was destroyed, reason was shaken from its throne, genius obscured, and the great man in ruins lived several years for his friends to weep over, and his country to lament the deprivation of talents admirably adapted to promote the highest interests of society.

This catastrophe shocked the feelings of the virtuous, not less than it raised the indignation of the brave. Yet a remarkable spirit of forbearance continued for a time, owing to the respect still paid to the opinions of this unfortunate gentleman, whose voice though always opposed to the strides of despotism was ever loud against all tunultuous and illegal proceedings. He was after a partial recovery sensible himself of his incapacity for the exercise of talents that had shone with peculiar lustre, and often invoked the messenger of death to give him a sudden release from a life become burdensome in every view, but when the calm interval of a moment permitted him the recollection of his own integrity. In one of those intervals of beclouded reason he forgave the murderous band, after the principal ruffian had asked pardon in a court of justice;* and at the intercession of the gentleman whom he had so grossly abused, the people forebore inflicting that summary vengeance which was generally thought due to so black a crime.

Mr. Otis lived to see the independence of America, though in a state of mind incapable of enjoying fully the glorious event which his own exertions had precipitated. After several years of mental derangement, as if in consequence of his own prayers, his great soul was instantly set free by a flash of lightning, from the evils in which the love of his country had involved him. His death took place in May, 1763."

On the news of his death, Mr. Adams, then in Paris, wrote thus to his friend, Mrs. Warren: Extraordinary in death as in life, he has left a character that will never die while the memory of the American revolution remains; whose foundation he laid with an energy, and with those masterly abilities, which no other man possessed."

"The inhabitants of Boston had suffered almost every species of insult from the British soldiery; who, countenanced by the royal party, had generally found means to screen themselves from the hand of the civil officers. Thus all authority rested on the point of the sword, and the partizans of the crown triumphed for a time in the plenitude of military power. Yet the measure and the manner

*On a civil process commenced against him, John Robinson was adjudged to pay five thousand pounds sterling damages; but Mr. Otis despising all pecuniary compensation, relinquished it on the culprit's asking pardon, and setting his signature to a very humble acknowledgment.

of posting troops in the capital of the province, had roused such jealousy and disgust, as could not be subdued by the scourge that hung over their heads. Continual bickerings took place in the streets between the soldiers and the citizens; the insolence of the first, which had been carried so far as to excite the African slaves to murder their masters, with the promise of impunity,* and the indiscretion of the last, was often productive of tumults and disorder that led the most cool and temperate to be apprehensive of consequences of the most serious nature."†

On the second of March, 1770, a fray took place in Boston, near Mr. Gray's rope-walk, between a private soldier of the 29th regiment, and an inhabitant. The former was supported by his comrades, the latter by the rope-makers, till several, on both sides, were involved in the consequences. On the fifth a more dreadful scene was presented. The soldiers, when under arms, were pressed upon, insulted and pelted by a mob armed with clubs, sticks, and snow balls covering stones. They were also dared to fire. In this situation, one of the soldiers, who had received a blow, in resentment fired at the supposed aggressor. This was followed by a single discharge from six others. Three of the inhabitants were killed, and five were dangerously wounded. The town was immediately in commotion. Such was the temper, force, and number of the inhabitants, that nothing but an engagement to remove the troops out of the town, together with the advice of moderate men, prevented the townsmen from falling on the soldiers. The killed were buried in one vault, and in a most respectful manner, in order to express the indignation of the inhabitants at the slaughter of their brethren, by soldiers quartered among them, in violation of their civil liberties. Captain Preston, who commanded the party which fired on the inhabitants, was committed to jail, and afterwards tried. The captain, and six of the men, were acquitted. Two were brought in guilty of manslaughter. It appeared, on the trial, that the soldiers were abused. insulted, threatened and pelted, before they fired. It was also proved, that only seven guns were fired by the eight prisoners. These circumstances induced the jury to make a favourable verdict. The result of the trial reflected great honour on John Adams, (the late President of the United States) and Josiah Quincy, Esqrs. the counsel for the prisoners; and also on the integrity of the jury, who ventured to give an upright verdict, in defiance of popular opinions. "The people, not dismayed by the blood of their neighbours thus wantonly shed, determined no longer to submit to the insolence of military power. Col. Dalrymple, who commanded in Boston, was informed the day after the riot in King-Street, "that he must with

* Capt. Wilson, of the 29th regiment, was detected in this infamous practice; and it was proved beyond a doubt by the testimony of some respectable citizens, who declared on oath, that they had accidentally witnessed the offer of reward to the blacks, by ⚫ome subaltern officers, if they would rob and murder their masters.

+Mrs. Warren's History, p. 52

draw his troops from the town within a limited term, or hazard the consequences.'

The inhabitants of the town assembled in Faneuil Hall, where the subject was discussed with becoming spirit, and the people unanimously resolved, that no armed force should be suffered longer to reside in the capital; that if the king's troops were not immediately withdrawn by their own officers, the governor should be requesetd to give orders for their removal, and thereby prevent the necessity of more rigorous steps. A committee from the body was deputed to wait on the governor, and request him to exert that authority which the exigencies of the times required from the supreme magistrate. Mr. Samuel Adams, the chairman of the committee, with a pathos and address peculiar to himself, exposed the illegality of quartering troops in the town in the midst of peace; he urged the apprehensions of the people, and the fatal consequences that might ensue if their removal was delayed.

But no arguments could prevail on Mr. Hutchinson; who either from timidity, or some more censurable cause, evaded acting at all in the business, and grounded his refusal on a pretended want of authority. After which, Col. Dalrymple, wishing to compromise the matter, consented that the twenty-ninth regiment, more culpable than any other in the late tumult, should be sent to Castle Island. This concession was by no means satisfactory; the people, inflexible in their demands, insisted that not one British soldier should be left within the town; their requisition was reluctantly complied with, and within four days the whole army decamped."

The circumstances and probable consequences of the tragical affair just related sunk deep into the minds of the people, and were turned to the advantage of their cause. Its anniversary, Its anniversary, for many years, was observed with great solemnity, and the most eloquent orators were successively employed to deliver an annual oration* to preserve the remembrance of it fresh in their minds. On these occasions the blessings of liberty-the horrors of slavery-the dangers of a standing army-the rights of the colonies, and a variety of such topics, were represented to the public view under their most pleasing and alarming forms. These annual orations administered fuel to the fire of liberty, and kept it burning with an incessant flame.

In 1773, the spirit of the Americans broke out into open violence. The Gaspee, an armed schooner belonging to his Britannis Majesty, had been stationed at Providence, Rhode Island, to prevent smuggling. The vigilance of the commander irritated the inhabitants to that degree, that about two hundred armed men entered the vessel at night, compelled the officers and men to go ashore, and set fire to the schooner. A reward of five hundred pounds, offered by government

*It was on these orations that Mr. Adams proposed to write "Annals of the American Revolution."

for apprehending any of the persons concerned in this daring act, produced no effectual discovery.

About this time, the discovery and publication of some private confidential letters, written by the royal officers in Boston,* to persons in office in England, served to confirm the apprehensions of the Americans, with respect to the designs of the British government. It was now made obvious that more effectual measures would be taken to establish the supremacy of the British parliament over the colonies. The letters recommended decisive measures, and the writers were charged, by the exasperated Americans, with betraying their trust and the people they governed.

The duplicity of Mr. Hutchinson was laid open by these letters, under his signature, written to some individuals in the British cabinet. They were obtained by the vigilance of some friends in England, and sent to America.

A few extracts from the letters of Mr. Hutchinson to Mr. Jackson, Bollan, and others, the year previous to the disturbance in March, 1770, fully evince his sentiments of stationing and retaining troops in the capital of the Massachusetts.

"DEAR SIR,

"Boston, January, 1769.

"I sent you under a blank cover, by way of Bristol and Glasgow, the account of proceedings in New-York assembly, which you will find equal to those of the Massachusetts. Perhaps if they had no troops, the people too would have run riot as we did. Five or six men of war, and three or four regiments, disturb nobody but some of our grave people, who do not love assemblies and concerts, and cannot bear the noise of drums upon a Sunday. I know I have not slept in town any three months these two years, in so much tranquillity, as I have done the three months since the troops came."

Extract of a letter from Mr. Bollan to Mr. Hutchinson.

"Henrietta Street, August 11, 1767.

"Mr. Paxton has several times told me, that you and some other of my friends were of opinion, that standing troops were necessary to support the authority of the government at Boston, and that he was authorized to inform me this was your and their opinion. I need not say that I hold in the greatest abomination such outrages that have taken place among you, and am sensible it is the duty of all charter, or other subordinate governments, to take due care, and punish such proceedings; and that all governments must be supported by force, when necessary; yet we must remember how often standing forces have introduced greater mischiefs than they retrieved, and I am apprehensive that your distant situation from the centre of all civil and military power, might in this case, sooner or later, subject you to peculiar difficulties. "When Malcolm's bad behaviour made a stir here, a minister who seemed inclined to make use of standing forces, supposing this might not be agreeable to me, I avoided giving an opinion, which then appeared needless and improper, but afterwards, when it was confidently said, that preparations were making to send a considerable number of standing troops, in order to compel obedience, I endeavouaed to prevent it."

* Goy. Hutchinson, Oliver, &c.

Mr. Bollan goes on to observe, that "he had informed some influential gentlemen in England, that he had the highest reason to believe, that whoeyer should be instrumental in sending over standing troops to America, would be cursed to all posterity."

Extract from Governor Hutchinson's letters to Governor Pownal. It is uncertain on what occasion the following assertion was made, but it discovers the spirit and wishes of the writer.

"Boston, June 22, 1772.

"The union of the colonies is pretty well broke; I hope I shall never see it renewed. Indeed our sons of liberty are hated and despised by their former brethren in New-York and Pennsylvania, and it must be something very extraordinary ever to reconcile them."

Extracts from Mr. Hutchinson's letters to Mr. Jackson,, Pownal, and others.

"Boston, August 27, 1772.

But before America is settled in peace, it would be necessary to go to the bottom of all the disorder, which has been so long neglected already. The opinion that every colony has a legislature within itself, the acts and doings of which are not to be controlled by parliament, and that no legislative power ought to be exercised over the colonies, except by their respective legisla tures, gains ground every day; our news-papers publicly announce this independence every week; and, what is much more, there is scarcely an assembly which has not done it at one time or another. The assembly of this province has done as much the last session by their public votes and resolves, and by an address which they have sent to Doctor Franklin, to be presented to the king; so there is sufficient grounds for parliament to proceed, if there is a disposition. What, it will be said, can be done? A test as general as the oaths required instead of the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, would be most effectual; but this there is reason to fear would throw America into a general confusion, and I doubt the expediency. But can less be done than affixing penalties, and disqualifications or incapacities, upon all who by word or writing shall deny or call in question the supreme authority of parliament over all parts of the British dominions? Can it be made necessary for all judges to be under oath, to observe all acts of parliament in their judgments? And may not the oaths of all jurors, grand and petit, be so framed as to include all acts of parliament as the rule of law, as well as law in general terms? And for assemblies or bodies of men, who shall deny the authority of parlia ment, may not all their subsequent proceedings be declared to be ipso facto null and void, and every member who shall continue to act in such assembly be subject to penalties and incapacities? I suggest these things for consideration. Every thing depends upon the settlement of this grand point. If the people were convinced that the British nation with one voice condemned the doctrine, or that parliament at all events, was determined to maintain its supremacy, we should soon be quiet. If nothing more can be done, there must be further provisions for carrying the act of trade into execution, which I am informed administration are very sensible of, and have measures in contemplation. Thus you have a few of my sudden thoughts, which I must pray you not to communicate as coming from me."

To MR. JACKSON.

"If I consulted nothing but my own ease and quiet, I would propose neglect and contempt of every affront offered to parliament by the little American