figure of the devil. After parading, for some time, the apparatus was conveyed to the gate of the fort, and thence to the bowling-green, under the muzzles of the guns; they there burned the coach and whole apparatus. Thence they went to the house of Major James, a known friend to the stamp-act, which they stripped of a good library and of every other valuable article, destroyed his garden, and finished their riot with another bonfire.

The next evening they assembled again, and obliged the Lieutenant-Governor to deliver the stamped papers to the corporation, and deposit them in the city hall. The same excesses were not practised in the more southern colonies; but means were every where adopted to make the stamp officers resign. Some of them were obstinate, and held out long, but they were ultimately obliged to submit to the requisitions of the people. They did not judge the cause worth dying for, and they saw no other alternative, but to resign or die *

As opportunities presented, the assemblies passed resolutions, asserting the exclusive right of taxing their constituents; and though the king's governors, in the colonies, prorogued the assemblies, and used all their influence to prevent them, yet they were generally passed. The representatives were instructed by their constituents, in town and freemen's meetings, to oppose the stamp-act, and to assert their just rights. In these the commonalty spoke the determined language of freemen. As a specimen of these, the instruction given by the ancient town of Plymouth, to their representative, shall be subjoined. After representing the high esteem in which they held the British constitution, and declaring their grievances, they thus address him :

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You, sir, represent a people, who are not only descended from the first settlers of this country, but inhabit the very spot they first possessed. Here was first laid the foundation of the British empire in this part of America, which, from a very small beginning, has increased and spread in a manner very surprising and almost incredible; especially, when we consider that all this has been effected, without the aid or assistance of any other power upon earth: That we have defended, protected and secured ours elves against the invasions and cruelty of the savages, and the subtlety and inhumanity of our inveterate and natural enemies, the French; and all this without the appropriation of any tax by stamps, or stamp-acts, laid upon our fellow subjects in any part of the king's dominions for defraying the expense thereof. This place, sir, was at first the asylum of liberty, and, we hope, will ever be preserved sacred to it, though it was then no more than a barren wilderness, inhabited only by

The following persons were appointed distributors of Stamps in nine of the states, viz :-George Meserve, Esq. New-Hampshire-Andrew Oliver, Esq. MassachusettsAugustus Johnson, Esq. Rhode-Island-Jared Ingersoll, Esq. Connecticut; McEvers, Esq. New-York-William Coxe, Esq. New-Jersey-John Hughes, Esq. Pennsyl vania-Zachariah Hood, Esq. Maryland-Colonel Mercer, Virginia.

savage men and beasts. To this place our father's (whose memories be revered) possessed of the principles of liberty in their purity, disdaining slavery, fled to enjoy those privileges which they had an undoubted right to, but were deprived of, by the hands of violence and oppression, in their native country. We, sir, their posterity, the freeholders, and other inhabitants of this town, legally assembled for that purpose, possessed of the same sentiments, and retaining the same ardor for liberty, think it our indispensable duty, on this occasion, to express to you these our sentiments of the stamp-act, and its fatal consequences to this country, and to enjoin upon you, as you regard not only the welfare, but the very being of this people, that you, (consistent with our allegiance to the king, and relation to the government of Great Britain) disregarding all proposals for that purpose, exert all your power and influence in opposition to the stamp-act, at least till we hear the success of our petitions for relief. We also, to avoid disgracing the memories of our ancestors, as well as the reproaches of our own consciences, and the curses of posterity, recommend it to you, to obtain, if possible, in the honourable house of representatives of this province, a full and explicit assertion of our rights, and to have the same entered on their public records, that all generations yet to come, may be convinced, that we have not only a just sense of our rights and liberties, but that we never, with submission to divine providence, will be slaves to any power on earth."

Among other expedients for the preservation of the liberties of America, it was conceived that the calling of a continental congress, consisting of deputies from each of the colonies, might have the most general and happy influence. In this the wisdom of all the colonies would be collected; this would harmonize, and give countenance and vigour to the proceedings of their several legislatures, and to the conduct of the people in general, and through this body all the colonies might jointly petition the king and parliament. This measure had, at an early period, occurred to the people of Massachusetts, and their general court passed a resolution for that purpose.* The place of meeting was fixed at New-York, and the time assigned was the second Tuesday in October." These proceedings, and the circular letter we have given in a former page.

We here insert the instructions of the freeholders and inhabitants of Boston to their Representatives to the Continental Congress, passed September 23, 1765.

"To the Hon. James Otis, Esq. Thomas Cushing Esq. and Mr. Thomas Gray. GENTLEMEN

At a time when the British American subjects are every where loudly com*This measure had been suggested by Dr. Mayhew, in a letter written only three days before his death, June 8, 1766, to Mr. Otis, jun. member of the Legislature, then in session, in the following manner-" You have heard of the Communion of Churches. While I was thinking of this on my bed, the great use and importance of a Communion of Colonies, appeared to me in a very strong light, which determined me immediately to set down these hints for you, not knowing but the house may be suddenly prorogued of dissolved." Mrs. Warren's Hist. Rev. vol. i. App. p. 416..

Trumbull's Hist. U. States, MS

plaining of arbitrary and unconstitutional innovations, the town of Boston cannot any longer remain silent, without just imputations of inexcusable neglect. We therefore, the freeholders and other inhabitants, being legally assembled 'S at Faneuil-Hall, to consider what steps are necessary for us to take at this alarming crisis, think it proper to communicate to you our united sentiments, and to give you our instruction thereupon.

It fills us with great concern to find, that measures have been adopted by the British ministry, and acts of parliament made which press hard upon our invaluable rights and liberties; and tend greatly to distress the trade of the province, by which we have heretofore been able to contribute so large a share towards the enriching the mother country. But we are more particularly alarmed and astonished at the act called the STAMP-ACT, by which a very grievous, and we apprehend unconstitutional tax is to be laid upon the colonies.

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By the royal charter granted to our ancestors, the power of making laws for our internal government, and of levying taxes, is vested in the general assembly and by the same charter the inhabitants of this province are entitled to all the rights and privileges of natural free born subjects of GREAT-BRITAIN. The most essential rights of British subjects are those of being represented in the same body which excrcises the power of levying taxes upon them, and of having their property tried by juries. These are the very pillars of the British constitution, founded in the common rights of mankind. It is certain that we were in no sense represented in the parliament of Great Britain, when this act of taxation was made; and it is also certain that this law admits of our properties being tried, in controversies arising from internal concerns, by courts of admiralty, without a jury. It follows, that at once it annihilates the most valuable privileges of our charter, deprives us of the most essential rights of Britons, and greatly weakens the best security of our lives, liberties and estates; which may hereafter be at the disposal of judges, who may be strangers to us, and perhaps malicious, mercenary, corrupt and oppressive.

But admitting we had no complaints of this nature, we should have reason to except against the inequality of these taxes :-It is well known that the people of this province have not only settled this country, but enlarged and defended the British dominion in America with a vast expence of treasure and blood. They have exerted themselves in the most distinguished services for their king. by which they have often been reduced to the greatest distress: And in the late war more especially, by their surprizing exertions, they have brought upon themselves a debt almost insupportable: And we were well assured that if these expensive services, for which very little if any advantage hath ever accrued to themselves, together with the necessary charges of supporting and defending his majesty's government here, had been duly estimated, the monies designed to be drawn from us by this act would have appeared greatly beyond. our proportion. We look upon it as a peculiar hardship, that when the representative body of this province had prepared and sent forward, a decent remonstrunce against these proceedings, while they were depending in the house of commons, IT FAILED OF ADMITTANCE THERE. And this we esterm the most extraordinary, inasmuch as, being unrepresented, it was the only method whereby they could make known their objections to measures, in the event of which their constituents were to be so deeply interested.

Moreover this act, if carried into execution, will become a further grievance to us, as it will afford a precedent for the parliament to tax us, in all future time, and in all such ways and measures as they shall judge meet, without our

consent.

We therefore think it our indispensable duty, in justice to ourselves and posterity, as it is our undoubted privilege, in the most open and unreserved, but decent and respectful terms, to declare our greatest dissatisfaction with the law; and we think it incumbent on you by no means to join in any public measures for countenancing and assisting in the execution of the same; but to use your best endeavours in the general assembly, to have the inherent unalien

7.

able rights of the people of this province, asserted and vindicated, and left upon the public records, that posterity may never have reason to charge the present times with the guilt of tamely giving them away.

It affords us the greatest satisfaction to hear that the congress proposed by the house of representatives of this province, is consented to by the representatives of most of the other colonies on the continent. We have the warmest expectations from the united councils of that very respectable committee: And we may with the strictest propriety enjoin upon Mr. Oris, a member of the same, being also one of the representatives of this town, to contribute the utmost of his ability, in having the rights of the colonies stated in the clearest view, and laid before the parliament; and in preparing a humble petition to the KING, our Sovereign and Father, under whose gracious care and protection we have the strongest reason to hope, that the rights of the colonies in general, and the particular charter-rights of this province, will be confirmed and perpetuated."

"The New-England colonies, New Hampshire excepted, readily embraced this first advance towards a continental union. South Carolina was the next which adopted the plan in the colonies to the southward of New-York. This, probably, had a considerable influence in recommending it to the other southern colonies, which were not united in their opinions respecting its propriety.

"At the time appointed, twenty-eight deputies, from Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland and South Carolina, met at New-York. New-Hampshire excused itself for not sending their deputies to congress, on the account of the peculiar situation of the affairs of that government. The assemblies of Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia, were prevented, by their governors, from sending a deputation. After mature deliberation, the congress agreed upon a declaration of the rights, and a statement of grievances of the colonies. In the strongest terms, it asserted the exemption of the colonists from all taxes, not imposed by their own representatives. It united in presenting a petition to the king, a memorial to the house of lords, and a petition to the house of commons. The colonies which were unrepresented highly approved the proceedings of congress, and forwarded petitions similar to those which it had adopted."

Declaration of Rights and Grievances by the first Américan Congress. "The members of this congress, sincerely devoted with the warmest sentiments of affection and duty, to his majesty's person and government, inviolably attached to the present happy establishment of the protestant succession, and with minds deeply impressed by a sense of the present and impending misfortunes of the British colonies on this continent; having considered, as maturely as time will permit, the circumstances of the said colonies, esteem it our indispensable duty to make the following declarations of our humble opinion, respecting the most essential rights and liberties of the colonists, and of the grievances under which they labour, by reason of several late acts of Parliament.

I. That his majesty's subjects in these colonies, owe the same allegiance to the crown of Great Britain, that is owing from his subjects born within the realm, and all due subordination to that august body, the Parliament of Great Britain.

II. That his majesty's liege subjects in these colonies, are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his natural born subjects, within the kingdom of Great Britain.

IH. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no taxes be imposed on them, but with their own consent, given personally, or by their representatives.

IV. That the people of these colonies are not, and, from their local circumstances, cannot be represented in the House of Commons of Great Britain. V. That the only representatives of these colonies are persons chosen therein by themselves, and that no taxes ever have been, or can be constitutionally imposed upon them, but by their respective legislatures.

VI. That all supplies to the crown being free gifts from the people, it is unreasonable, and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of the British constitution, for the people of Great Britain to grant to his majesty the property of the colonists.

VII. That trial by jury is the inherent and invaluable right of every British subject in these colonies.

VIII. That the late act of Parliament, entitled " an act for granting and applying certain stamp duties, and other duties, in the British colonies and plantations in America," &c. by imposing taxes on the inhabitants of these colonies; and the said act, and several other acts, by extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond its ancient limits, have a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of the colonists.

IX. That the duties imposed by several late acts of Parliament, from the peculiar circumstances of these colonies, will be extremely burdensome and grievous; and from the scarcity of specie, the payment of them absolutely impracticable.

X. That as the profits of the trade of these colonies ultimately centre in Great Britain, to pay for the manufactures which they are obliged to take from thence, they eventually contribute very largely to all supplies granted to the crown.

XI. That the restrictions imposed by several late acts of Parliament on the trade of these colonies, will render them unable to purchase the manufactures of Great Britain.

XII. That the increase, prosperity, and happiness of these colonies depend on the full and free enjoyment of their rights and liberties, and an intercourse with Great Britain mutually affectionate and advantageous.

XIII. That it is the right of the British subjects in these colonies to petition the king, or either house of Parliament.

XIV. That it is the indispensable duty of these colonies, to the best of sovereigns, to the mother country, and to themselves, to endeavour, by a loyal and dutiful address to his majesty, and humble applications to both houses of Parliament, to procure the repeal of the act for granting and applying certain stamp duties, of all clauses of any other acts of Parliament, whereby the jurisdiction of the admiralty is extended, as aforesaid, and of the other late acts for the restriction of American commerce."

Petition to the British house of commons, agreed to by the first American con

gress, October, 23, 1765.

"To the honorable the knights, citizens, and burgesses of Great Britain, in parliament assembled:

The petition of his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the freeholders and other inhabitants of the colonies of the Massachusetts-bay, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the government of the counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, upon Delaware, Maryland,

Most humbly sheweth,-That the several late acts of parliament, imposing divers duties and taxes on the colonies, and laying the trade and commerce