of Kittery, were appointed to meet the various sachems at Casco and endeavor to effect a permanent treaty. Thither Squando went, sated of vengeance, and Madockawando, the father-in-law of Baron Castin, by him instructed how to meet the advances of the English. It was the Baron who had supplied the arms and powder for this three years'

war.

A treaty of peace.

The most aggressive tribes were represented at this council. A treaty which closed hostilities, but only for a few years, was here made, which promised to return all captives and to refrain from future attacks upon the settlers, who were to be allowed to reoccupy their desolated lands. The English, on their part, en

gaged to pay one peck of corn annually for every English family settled between the Piscataqua and Penobscot. This was regarded by the Indians not only as tribute but symbol of acknowledgment of their original proprietorship of the soil. But the annual payments were very irregularly made. The treaty was concluded in April,

1678.

Cranfield's action in Indian af

Governor Cranfield in 1684, laid a tax upon the people without their consent: When the council demurred he adroitly availed himself of reports that the Eastern Indians meditated new disturbances in the coming spring, and the tax was agreed to on the ground of the common defence. His project of enlisting the Mohawks against the Eastern Indians, and paying their

fairs.

1684.]

GOVERNOR CRANFIELD AND THE INDIANS.

443

services out of the money raised by the tax, increased his unpopularity. The friendly Indians became alarmed, for it was understood that the Mohawks made no distinction among New England Indians: they were all traditional enemies. In the summer of 1685 the Penacook and Saco Indians, after gathering their corn, began to remove their families from the English neighborhood, under the impression that the Mohawks were about to invade them. The English in their turn became alarmed at the movement; but inquiries led to a good understanding, and a treaty of mutual defence and reparation of injuries was made, which lasted about four years.

The chief of the Penacooks at that time was Kancamagus, a nephew of Wonnalauset, who went by the English name of Hogkins or Hawkins. He wrote to and visited the Governor, but there was a want of that personal attention so grateful to an Indian, and a disregard of the appeals made by him and his people. The chief was converted into an implacable foe, and is supposed to have planned the subsequent attack upon Dover.1

1 Hogkins wrote the following curious letter to Cranfield: "Honour Governor my friend, you my friend I desire your worship and your power Because I hope you can do som great matters this once I am poor and naked and I have no men at my place because I afraid allways mohogs he will kill me every day and night if your worship when please pray help me you no let mohogs kill me at my place at Malamaki [Merrimac] River called Panukkog and Nattukkog I will submit your worship and your power and now I want powder and such allminish shott and guns because I have forth at my hom and I plant

Another Indian outbreak.

In 1688, the Eastern Indians were again in motion, at the instigation of Castin, whose house had been plundered by Andros. A few raids in Maine during the summer were only preliminary to the outbreak of 1689 which so seriously affected New Hampshire. Major Waldron's mock training bore mortal consequences after thirteen years of brooding vengeance. Some of the natives who were sent to Boston and sold into slavery escaped, and found their way back. They easily inflamed numbers of Philip's men who were still harbored by the Penacook and Fryburg Indians; and the resentment spread to the tribes who were nominally friendly. Castin's agents were also at work to effect a hostile combination against the English.

at Dover

There were five garrison-houses in Dover to which the inhabitants The Indians retired at night. They were strongly built, surrounded by tall palisades, and capable of making an effective defence. Anxiety concerning the Indians had subsided. Waldron himself felt entirely secure. The watch at these garrison-houses was carelessly kept, and the Indians went freely to and fro among the inhabitants. Some of the settlers fancying that the natives were observing the situation more closely than usual, became alarmed. There was renewed dread of coming trouble, but Waldron told the people to mind their pumpkin-planting. Though the town was fuller of Indians than usual, Waldron professed to divine instinctively their disposition, and lightly rallied the concern of the people.

On the 27th of June, toward evening, two squaws applied at each garrison-house for permission to pass the night, as they had frequently done before. They were admitted to all but one of them. A chief accompanied the two squaws who went to Major Waldron's house. They were received with hospitality. Said the squaws to the Major, many Indians will come to trade to-morrow. Said the chief, "Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians should come?" "If I lift my finger I can summon a hundred men," said the Major. So profound was the confidence in their perfect safety which Waldron had inspired in his people that when the gates were secured, the squaws were instructed how to undo the fastenWaldron ings, on their intimation that they might wish to go out during the night. At a signal from their confederates outside the squaws unbolted the gate, the Indians entered and found their way to an inner room where Waldron slept. The old man of eighty seized his sword and drove the savages out from room to room, but a blow from a hatchet stunned him and he fell.

The attack.
Murder of

Now came the hour of triumph. It was not for a sham-fight that they picked up the old man and set him in a chair upon a table, cry