a portion of what is now Clinton, and what now constitutes Chesterfield and Lenox. Clinton then comprised what is now Erin, Warren, Macomb and the balance of what is now Clinton, not then included in Harrison. The first election in this township was held at the Court House, in Mt. Clemens, and Job C. Smith was elected supervisor. The first supervisor of Harrison was our old townsman, Dr. Henry Taylor, senior. The first session of the Board of Supervisors of this county, was held at Mt. Clemens, and Robert P. Eldredge was chosen as its clerk. The apportionment of the taxes of the year 1827, cast upon this town the burden of raising the sum of $70.00, while Harrison was compelled to contribute $80.00, Shelby $50.00, Ray $28.37, and Washington $70.00, a total for all purposes in the county of $298.37. The next year the total amount of taxes raised in this county, was $525.59, of which amount Clinton raised $117.88. A resolution of the Board at this time, was to the effect that the improved lands of Clinton and Harrison be valued at two dollars per acre, while the same lands in the other towns were valued at eight dollars per acre. Events in the history of our county transpiring subsequent to the year 1827, are preserved in the records of the County Clerk's office, at the county seat, and to that repository of our county legislation the curious reader may at any time resort, and assuage his curiosity, or satisfy his thirst after knowledge of matters which are interesting to the statistician, but which do not form an interesting feature for the general reader. They are facts which bear more intimately upon the physical, economical and industrial advancement made by the people of the county. CHAPTER XVII. POLITICAL HISTORY. The interest manifested in public affairs by the people of Macomb becomes evident from a review of the General, State and County elections, an account of which is given in this chapter. For many years the political battle was carried on between the Democrat and Whig, with victory almost always attending the former. As times moved onward, new ideas sprang into existence, varying, as it were, political life, and urging the old politicians to advance in the paths of reform. At one time a tendency existed to cast away the tyranny of party, and give an untrammeled vote for the man. This tendency grows stronger with years. While acknowledging the great benefits conferred upon the Republic by the two great parties that claim to be President-makers, yet great numbers of the people are dis satisfied; they can not overlook the magnitude of the abuses which have entwined themselves with the present system, and which contribute to lessen that great name once belonging to the greatest and most perfect of governments. The adherents of party in this county have not been silent when reform was needed. They have scanned the course of their representatives with jealous eye, and rewarded or punished just in such measure as justice pointeth, securing thereby a fair representation in the council of the Republic as well as in that of the State. Nativeism, sectionalism, know-nothingism and demonism, or religio-political bigotry, appear to be on the margin of the grave; some of the vices are already buried, but enough remain to cause some little disunion, if not disaffection, and so live to destroy what would be otherwise a magnificent solidarity of public peace and prosperity. Mercy, justice and patriotism require every corner of this land for tenancy, so that sectionalism and all its concomitant vices must yield-must give place to what is good and noble, and let peace rule the Republic forever. During the first years of the county's history, party bigotry was not acknowledged, but convention and caucus were held, the same as now, to select a man, not to serve his own or his party's interest, but that of the people. The first settlers were attached to the Jacksonian political school, because they saw in the old General one who held the Constitution of the United States above all else. When, in 1832, South Carolina assumed the right to ignore the laws of the United States, and to oppose the collection of the revenue, Gen. Jackson, then President, acted with his usual decision, and told the South Carolinians that the Union must be preserved. He sent United States troops into that State, instructed the revenue collector at Charleston to perform his duty, and notified John C. Calhoun that he would be arrested on the committal of the first overt act against the law. This decisive action, together with the terms of his proclamation, cemented, as it were, all political parties under one leader. "The power to annul a law of the United States," he says, "is incompatible with the existence of the Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the Constitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which it is founded, and destructive to the great object for which it was formed. To say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say that the United States are not a nation; because it would be a solecism to contend that any part of the nation might dissolve its connection with the other part, to their injury or ruin, without committing any offence. * The States severally have not retained their entire sovereignty. It has been shown that, in becoming parts of a nation, they surrendered many of their essential parts of sovereignty. The right to make treaties, declare war, levy taxes, exercise exclusive judicial and legislative powers, were all of them functions of sovereign power. The States, then, for all of these important purposes, were no longer sovereign. * * * *** * The duty imposed on me by the Constitution, to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, shall be performed to the extent of the powers vested in me by law." In this manner President Jackson instructed the South Carolinians in the principles of federal government, and in this manner, also, did he notify them of the intentions of the United States in the event of their persisting in the violation of any of its laws. In those olden times a man was chosen on his merits, and entrusted with the true representation of the people in the Legislature as well as in the Supervisor's Court. A reference to the election returns will prove this statement precise in every particular. Years rolled on, and still party lines remained unobserved. In 1836 there was an apparent tendency to draw those lines closer; but the effort was comparatively a weak one. Two years later, in 1838, the doctrine of abolition was received with evident marks of disapprobation in this county. In 1840 Abolition and Liberty created some political excitement here; but not sufficient to lead one to conclude that within a quarter of a century, this county would send forth thousands of private soldiers and officers to do battle for the principle, which it held so cheap in 1840. In 1844 James G. Birney was called from his quiet home at Lower Saginaw to enter the political battlefield against Henry Clay on one ticket and James K. Polk on the other. Birney was enthusiastic, honest, and honorable. As a politician he lived before his time, and as a result did not occupy the Presidential Office. Ten years later the greater number of those who followed the standard of the Liberty Party, acquiesced in the doctrine preached under the oaks at Jackson, and the "name and fame" of the Sons of Liberty were henceforth embosomed in that party. The American Party, organized immediately afterward, soon passed away. In this county, its impracticable, unjust, and unholy principles were stigmatized, and to the credit of the people, may it be said, entirely ignored. It was no more. American in spirit, than was the Tea Tax and the other principles of its originators, which roused American manhood to cast off all connection with them. The contest between the humble Abraham Lincoln, and the noted Stephen A. Douglass, in 1860, was characteristically interesting. The result decided the fate of the slave-holding Southerners, and gave to the seventh decade of the nineteenth century a nation of freemen-such an one as the Fathers of the Republic dreamed of-such an one as the world had never hitherto known. In 1864 George B. McClellan opposed the great War President. The claims of the former were many and much appreciated; but he who proclaimed the abolition of slavery, from the highest seat in the Union, was destined to occupy that position, and would doubtless be elected and re-elected, had not the foul assassin snatched from him a life, then in the spring-time of its fame. Horatio Seymour, a refined, enlightened Statesman, was nominated by the Democratic Party in 1868. The fortunate Grant was nominated by the Republican Party. Notwithstanding all the high qualifications for that office, which Mr. Seymour possessed, the man who cast thousands upon thousands of the best blood of the North, against the columns of the slave-holders deserved to be, and was elected. It were well for the famous General, if his political life ended in 1872; but it was not so ordered, evidently, in the destiny of the Republic. In 1872 Gen. Grant was renominated, to oppose Charles O'Connor on the Democratic, and Horace Greeley on the Liberal-Republican tickets; but the services of the soldier were too well remembered, and so the epauleted Grant was returned to the White House for a second term. In 1876 Samuel J. Tilden representing the Democrats, and R. B. Hayes, the Republicans, sought the favors of the people. The memory of that contest is too fresh to require further reference. Mr. Hayes reached the White House, and held it for four years. Owing to his quiet administration, and the return of prosperity, his party lost little ground, although many said the disputes and uncertainties of that election would militate against Republican success in 1880. The elections of 1880 were, perhaps, the most enthusiastic of all expressions of the popular will. Then was Greek opposed to Greek; Gen. Hancock won distinction on the battle fields of the South,-his service was magnificent. Gen. Garfield had some little military experience; but what was wanting in this respect, was fully made up in his knowledge of public economy and practical knowledge of every-day life. He was elected; but who could then dream, that the new President would fall beneath the blow of an assassin, while yet his Cabinet was unorganized? Almost before he entered on the duties of his high office, he fell at the hands of an American, and from this fall he never rallied, until death ended his terrible sufferings. His death placed the Republic in mourning throughout its length and breadth. Vice-President Arthur assumed the Presidential Chair, and under him the troubles in the Senate were smoothed down, and the Nation allowed to resume its ways of progress. Throughout the various political campaigns, from 1818 to the present time, the citizens of Macomb, have, as a rule, given a popular vote. Previous to 1854, the county was decidedly Democratic. From 1854 to 1870 it may be said to have given the Republicans a majority; and since 1870 to the present time political power is so equally balanced that representatives of both parties share the confidence of the people. A desire has existed and does exist, to witness the victory of virtue over vice, and so far as such a laudable desire could be effected, the people were rewarded in their contests. COUNTY ELECTIONS. In the following pages the results of the various elections, so far as this county is concerned, are given. It is not to be presumed, however, that majorities given. for candidates for the United States Congress, or for officers of State resulted in their election. The vote received in this county alone is only given, to learn who was elected, reference must be made to the State History. The county officers elected in 1818, 1820, 1822, and 1824 are named in the Organic Chapter. The election returns, with the names of candidates before the people of this county for the honor of office, are given from 1825 to the present time. Gabriel Richard, 21; John Biddle, 9; Austin Wing, 45. Washington Township: John Biddle, 34; Austin E. Wing, 24. Member Legislative council, 1827.- Clinton : John Stockton d., 40; Wm. A. Burt w., 2; John K. Smith, I; Shelby: John Stockton d., 15; Wm. A. Burt w, 17. Ray: Wm. A. Burt w, 16; John Stockton d, 9. Washington: Wm. A. Burt w, 40; John Stockton d, 30. Harrison: John Stockton, 45. John Stockton received 139, and Wm. A. Burt 75 votes. 1829. Congress, 1829.-Harrison: Gabriel Richard, 89; John Biddle, 31; John R. Williams, 3. Wash- Member Legislative council, 1829.- Harrison : County coroner, 1829.-Harvey Cook, Harrison, 32; Washington, 84; Clinton, 44; Ray, 29; Shelby, 2. County Treasurer, 1829.-Harrison: Ezekiel Allen, 34; John S. Axford, 4. Washington: Ezekiel Allen, 18; John S. Axford, 33. Clinton: John S. Axford, 25; Ezekiel Allen, 39. Ray: Ezekiel Allen. 4; John S. Axford, 26. Shelby, John S. Axford, 23; Ezekiel Allen, 8. After the election of 1829, Mr. Burt became a Democrat, and observed the principles of that party until his death in 1858. 1831. Congress, 1831.--Clinton: John R. Williams, 40; Sam. W. Dexter, 27; Austin E. Wing, 44. Ray: Austin E. Wing, I; John F. Williams, 5; Sam. W. Dexter, 31. Washington: Sam. W. Dexter, 100; Austin E. Wing, 36; John R. Williams, 22. Harrison: John R. Williams, 69; Austin E. Wing, 57; Sam W. Dexter, 3. Shelby: Sam. W. Dexter, 49; Austin E. Wing, 16; John R. Williams, 5. Member Legislative council, 1831.- St. Clair: John Stockton, 91; Alfred Ashley, 89. Washington: Alfred Ashley, 122; John Stockton, 40. Clinton: |