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given against Cromwell, he would, in all likelihood, have been hanged for an Ofurper, and Charles been left quietly to enjoy his Crown : had. Byng had the address to get the mob on his sid, B-s string might, in all probability, been of another colour; and the Admiral been adored on fign-posts, instead of hanged in
We leave our Readers to determine whether this Writer can have any just pretensions to candour. That both the
and little vul. gar are undistinguishing and capricious enough, is true; but when a whole people err, it is generally through inadvertance or misinformation : but this Writer's ignorance mu't be consummate, indeed, if he sees things in the light in which he represents them.
Art. 14. A full, clear, and succina Discussion of the Prelimi
nary Articles of Peace, as published by Authority. Most humbly submitted to the King, the Senate, and the People. By an eminent Citizen.
Williams. The Preliminaries of Peace are here canvassed in the true spirit of a cavilling Barrister, or petty-fogging Attorney. Of what eminence the Writer may be, in the city, we know not; but we will venture to say, notwithitanding that superior fagacity which he bath here shewn in discusing the terms of peace, he will never
very nent among the Politicians at the other end of the town.
Art. 15. A Letter from Jonathan's to the Treasury. 4to. Is.
Burnet. A shrewd defence of the Preliminaries, written in a spirited and consistent strain of irony ; the affected design of the Letter-Writer being to prove the peace a very bad, or, at least, a very premature and unseasonable one; because destructive, in its consequences, to the Stockjobbers, &c. in the Alley.
“ Had it not been better, says he, that another campaign hould have taken place ? Twenty millions more had been raised for the ensuing year';-we might then have had the fingering of a little, for jobs, commissions, contracts, advance-money, bulls, bears, good news, and bad news, peace and war, Scrip above and under par, for one year more. Our harvest is at an end ; and if those who are Josers have a right to complain, we certainly have the juleft cause to find fault with the Preliminaries, rail at the M
-r, and abuse the Plenipotentiary.
“ We do not here forget, it was found policy to extricate the King of Portugal, and his dominions, froin their present difficulties, as otherwise there must inevitably have been a ftagnation of spec e, confidering the continual drains we have had upon us for upwards of fix years from Germany; and more especially as our Spanilh trade was interrupted by the war, But could not our M-s have contrived to make a separate peace between Portugal and Spain, without put. ting an er to this glorious war, by which we have reared so much Rev. Dec. 1762.
honour, and I might add 'treasure? Those who were under apprehensions that our good fortune might be reversed, and that sooner or later the French and Spaniards might have made some desperate attempt upon us here at home, never consider what a fine effect that would have had in the Aliey, after Stocks were rose to the utmoft. We should have had them down to forty, and a week's uproar would have made every man of us. Thus, you see, Mr. Treasury, we do not find fault for railing fake (thu' to tell the truth, there is a terrible roaring of bulls and bears); we have just grounds for our complaints."
By this specimen our Readers also will fee, that there is a wide difference between raillery and argument; and, at the same time, how easy it is for men of sprightly talents, to put a new face on trite subjects.
Art. 16. The Sentiments of an impartial Member of Parliament
upon the two following Questions ; 1. Whether Great Britain ought to be difirous of a Peace on the present Situation of her Affairs? 2. What Sort of a Peace Great Britain has Reason 19 expeel? 8vo. Is. Becket.
This impartial, dissasionale, upright, and honest Politician determines the first question in the affirmative: his reasons, however, are for from being so satisfactory as we could with. That many good rcafons may be given why Great Britain should be desirous of a Peace, is certainly true; and, perhaps, some of them much better than any of those which are contained in this pamphlet before us. We do not think, however, that this Writer hath obviated every
objection which may offer on the other side of the question ; while, at the same time, he hath weakened his own arguments, like many other Party-Writers, by endeavouring to prove too much. His extravagant encomiums on a certain distinguished Nobleman, and his adoration of the immense abilities of our gracious Sovereign, betray aifo, in our opinion, both a partiality and a fervility highly unbe coming an unbiafled and sensible Englishman. Art. 17. A View of the present State of public Affairs, in a plain
Dialogue between Prejudice and Reason. 4to. Is. Coote.
Mr. Prejudice raves against Lord Bute and the Peace. Mrs. Reason takes the other side of the question. In such a dispute, it would be a shame for Prejudice to get the better of Reason. Accordingly the latter obtains an easy and compleat victory; the trophies of which Our Readers will naturally suppose to be laid at his Lordship's feet.
Art. 18. The Provisions made by the Treaties of Utrecht, &c. for fe
parating Spain for ever from France, and for preventing France from enjoying any separate exclusive Commerce with the Spanish Dominions in America, &c. 4to. 6dBaker.
This little collection was made before the publication of the Preliminaries. The Author being uncertain of their tenor, and what provisions they might contain for counter working the late Family Compact between France and Spain, thought it expedient to lay be. fore the public the provisions made by the Treaty of Utrecht, for feparating France from Spain, confirmed by that of Aix-ia-Chapelle : hoping that those who “ conduct the prelent negociations will take effectual care for renewing, Itrengthening, and preserving those provifions, in their full extent.
After all, what are treaties !-- effektual care could be taken for the due execution and permanent cojervation of them, it would be something : but fatal experience thews that the molt solemn treaties are, indeed, regarded only as mere matter of ceremony among Princes. When they are disposed to draw the sword, they do it with a formality called, a Declaration ; and when they have a mind to Theath it again, they have another formality called a Treaty of Peace. And, accordingly, as matters of ceremony hould be, they are al. ways regarded as indifferent things, to be established, al ered, or aninulled, at pleasure. Art. 19. A Letter addressed to the Right Hon. IVilliam Beckford,
Esq; Lord Mayor, concerning Lord Bute and a Peace. 8vo. 6d. Scott.
A dull and stupid encomium on the Earl of Bute. By the fiyle, it should seem to have been written by his Lordship's Shoe cleaner.
Art. 20. Punch's Politics; in several Dialogues between him and
bis Acquaintance. 8vo. Is. 6d. Nicoll.
An odd medley of a low kind of humour, and vulgar declamation; such as might, indeed, pals well enough at Partledom fiir, as Master Punch, in one of these Dialogues, calls it. This wile formance appears to have been written before the signing of the Preliminaries was known here; so that it now comes the dry after the Fair, inhilting on our vigorously pursuing the war- -till neither Frenchman nor Spaniard, nor any one else, ihall dare to look Jack English in the face. As to the King of Portugal, the greatest part of this pamphlet is employed in seiting forth a project for en alishing a new kingdom for hiin in the Brazils, --in case the Spaniards should drive him out of Europe. But thanks to his successful allies, his most Faithful Majesty has no prefent occafion to adopt this scheme, however expedient it might have been found, had the war continued, and his enemies prevailed against him, to the extent of their wishes.
Art. 21. The true-born Englishman's unmasked Battery: Con
taining Remarks on the Preliminary Articles of Peace, grounded upon undeniable Facis, sewing the fatal Tendency of granting Gg 2
the French a Fishery, and restoring our most important Conquests. 8vo. Is. 6d. Hunt.
The battery here erected to demolish the peace, is not a formidable one.
The Author being a very forry Engineer, his remarks may be soon dismounted ;-not a single argument has he brought to play against the Preliminaries, which the political Cobler of Cripplegate would not easily spike up with his tobacco-stopper,
Art. 22. A Letter from the Cocoa-Tree to the Country-Gentlemen.
4to. 6 d. Nicoll.
On the first appearance of this alarming epistle, some people were filled with terrible apprehensions. Formerly the cry was, the Church is in danger! but now the K-g is in danger! was the dreadful sound that rung in many a loyal car for a few days ; till use rendering it familiar, and no real cause for the clamour appearing, it accordingly cealed to produce the effect intended, and the frightful alarm-bell was foon regarded only as a sounding brass or a tinkling cymbal.
The import of the outcry was this, " An opposition is forming ! could I think it perfe&tly decent, I would call it a formed design against his majelty's independance, and liberty in exercising the most constitutional prerogatives of his crown. The declared and avowed. intention of the great persons engaged in it, is to command the prefent reign, and di&tate to their sovereign ; humbiy to inform him, to whom he shall give, not only the direction of the public affairs, but even his private affection and esteem.”
We were farther cold, that two noble persons, and a third still more noble, had declared themselves the patrons and leaders of this opposition; and after mentioning the subjects of their complaint, (viz. that the Tories are received into places of trust and profit, and that peace was in greater favour at court than war) their identity is thus plainly pointed out." But, in truth, what do they pro pofe? That one of them should indulge his natural difpofition, and please himself with the hopes of finding his account in tumults and confusion ; in parliamentary disputes, and the riots of elections, is nothing wonderful. They may recal a momentary youth, and bring back to his imagination those illuftrious scenes, in which he first displayed his political abilities. Experience then taught him the value of those active virtues, and habitude has confirmed him in his good opinion of their merit. Even age, and its unavoidable infirmities, have not convinced him of the breach of character, in engaging again in the contests of ambition with people, who are only entering on this busy tumultuous scene, I do not mean to blame, and I shall not presume to pity him. Whoever has not in himlelf, and his own underftanding, the resources of retirement and self-enjoyment, is allowed to go abroad, at whatever indecent hour, for amusement and dislipa
Thus reviving (according to our Author) those unhappy distinctions un. der which our fathers were enlifted, and engaged in almost civil war,
tion. His age, however, might juftly. startle the most fanguine fpirits, that found their future hopes of ambition upon a life of more than threescore and ten. But fome gentlemen, surely influenced, rather by a principle of gratitude, than any reasonable appearance of his success in this desperate project, have religned their employments, . useful at least, if not absolutely neccssary to their economy. What have they to expect from a life of feventy years, animated by the fhort and wasting vigour of the rage of faction, and an unnatural ambitiou?''
The Writer then goes on to mention the second person in this for. midable triumvirate. “ The second noble person,” says he, “ is of so different a character; fo naturally an enemy to violent and precipitate councils, that it is amazing, by what-influences he could be wrought to engage in the present system of opposition. He certainly does not foresec the unhappy consequences, into which he will unavoidably, and without a possibility of retreating, be led by these engagements. He, who loves his country, and reveres the constitution, is exposing them both to certain confusion, and, at least, probable distress. There is another circumstance, with regard to this noble Person, not a little singular. With all affection and reverence for his Majesty, he is entering into league and am ty with
party, who are determined to disress his measures, and insult his administration.
“ It is wholly foreign to the design of this letter, to inquire into the circumstances, either of his resignation or dis.niffion. "I hope, however, he does not think it the right of subjects, only, to resent, and that princes are to be insensible to the neglect of duty, and the indecent behaviour of their servants. But if the noble person founds his oppofition upon the indignity, whether real or suppoled, with which he has been treated, where shall we fix our ideas of virtue, particularly that first of virtues, the love of our country, when a man Thall dare to avow his private resentment, as a justifiable realon for his opposing publick measures ? Upon this plea, the late Lord Bolingbroke has justified his entering into the service of the Pretender, and his leaving it. “ But an ancient family is d honoured by such an indignity.” What right has any man to plead the merit and services of his ancestors, who has himself deviated from that line of conduct, which they thought duty to their Sovereign?
w But, as I conceive, we are deeply interested in the conduct of this noble Person. We are therefore authorited to inquire into the motives of it, and I think we may rely upon the following account. He had early in life conceived some very exalted notions of the rights of whiggism to direct the administration, and to govern the Sovereign. He therefore could no longer hold an employment, by which he was obliged to the mortification of seeing the Tories, light hateful, fight tormenting ! received at court, upon equal terms of grace and favour with other subjects, in proportion to their personal merit, their birth and fortune. "He was sometimes obliged by his office to introduce them to the Royal Presence."
Our Author having thus, with his foftest pencil, sketched the Dof Dre's picture, he resumes the harih one with which he Gg3