well knew, that the colony agents could have no general powers to confent to it; and they had no time to confult their affemblies for particular pow-. ers, before he paffed his first revenue act. If If you compare dates, you will find it impoffible. Burthened as the agents knew the colonies were at that time, they could not give the least hope of such grants. His own favourite governour was of opinion that the Americans were not then taxable objects:

"Nor was the time lefs favourable to the equity of fuch a taxation. I don't mean to dispute the reafonableness of America contributing to the charges of Great Britain when she is able; nor, I believe, would the Americans themselves have difputed it, at a proper time and, feafon. But it fhould be confidered, that the American governments themselves have, in the profecution of the late war, contracted very large debts; which it will take fome years to pay off, and in the mean time occafion very burdenfome taxes for that purpose only. For inftance, this government, which is as much before-hand as any, raifes every year 37,500l. fterling for finking their debt, and must continue it for four years longer at least before it will be clear.”

Thefe are the words of Governour Bernard's letter to a member of the old miniftry, and which he has fince printed. Mr. Grenville could not have made this propofition to the agents, for another reafon. He was of opinion, which he has de

clared

clared in this houfe an hundred times, that the colonies could not legally grant any revenue to the crown; and that infinite mifchiefs would be the confequence of fuch a power. When Mr. Grenville had paffed the firft revenue act, and in the fame feffion had made this houfe come to a refolution for laying a stamp-duty on America, between that time and the paffing the ftamp-act into a law, he told a confiderable and moft refpectable merchant, a member of this houfe, whom I am truly forry I do not now fee in his place, when he reprefented against this proceeding, that if the ftampduty was difliked, he was willing to exchange it for any other equally productive; but that, if he objected to the Americans being taxed by parliament, he might fave himfelf the trouble of the difcuffion, as he was determined on the meafure. This is the fact, and, if you pleafe, I will mention a very -unqueftionable authority for it.

2. Thus, Sir, I have difpofed of this falfehood. -But falfehood has a perennial fpring. It is faid, that no conjecture could be made of the diflike of the colonies to the principle. This is as untruė -as the other. After the refolution of the house, and before the paffing of the ftamp-act, the colonies of Maffachufet's Bay and New York did fend remonftrances, objecting to this mode of parlia mentary taxation. What was the confequence? They were fuppreffed; they were put under the table;

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table; notwithstanding an order of council to the contrary, by the miniftry which compofed the very council that had made the order; and thus the house proceeded to its bufinefs of taxing without the leaft regular knowledge of the objections which were made to it. But to give that houfe its due, it was not over defirous to receive information, or to hear remonftrance. On the 15th of February 1765, whilst the stamp-act was under deliberation, they refused with scorn even fo much as to receive four petitions prefented from fo respectable colonies as Connecticut, Rhode Island, Virginia, and Carolina; befides one from the traders of Jamaica. As to the colonies, they had no alternative left to them, but to difobey; or to pay the taxes impofed by that parliament which was not suffered, or did not suffer itself, even to hear them remonftrate upon the subject.

This was the state of the colonies before his majefty thought fit to change his minifters. It stands upon no authority of mine. It is proved by uncontrovertible records. The honourable gentleman has defired fome of us to lay our hands upon our hearts, and anfwer to his queries upon the hiftorical part of this confideration; and by his manner (as well as my eyes could difcern it) he seemed to addrefs himfelf to me.

Sir, I will anfwer him as clearly as I am able, and with great opennefs; I have nothing to con

ceal.

ceal. In the year fixty-five, being in a very private station, far enough from any line of business, and not having the honour of a feat in this house, it was my fortune, unknowing and unknown to the then miniftry, by the intervention of a common friend, to become connected with a very noble perfon, and at the head of the treasury department. It was indeed in a fituation of little rank and no confequence, fuitable to the mediocrity of my talents and pretenfions. But a fituation near enough to enable me to fee, as well as others, what was going on; and I did fee in that noble perfon fuch found principles, fuch an enlargement of mind, fuch clear and fagacious fenfe, and fuch unfhaken fortitude, as have bound me, as well as others much better than me, by an inviolable attachment to him from that time forward. Sir, Lord Rockingham very early in that fummer received a ftrong representation from many weighty English ́merchants and manufacturers, from governours of provinces and commanders of men of war, against almoft the whole of the American commercial regulations and particularly with regard to the total ruin which was threatened to the Spanish trade. I believe, Sir, the noble lord foon faw his way in this bufinefs. But he did not rafhly determine against acts which it might be supposed were the refult of much deliberation. However, Sir, he fcarcely began to open the ground, when

the

the whole veteran body of office took the alarm. A violent outcry of all (except those who knew and felt the mifchief) was raifed against any alteration. On one hand, his attempt was a direct violation of treaties and publick law. On the other, the act of navigation and all the corps of trade laws were drawn up in array against it.

The first step the noble lord took, was to have the opinion of his excellent, learned, and ever-lamented friend the late Mr. Yorke, then attorney general, on the point of law. When he knew that formally and officially, which in fubftance he had known before, he immediately dispatched orders to redrefs the grievance. But I will fay it for the then minister, he is of that conftitution of mind, that I know he would have iffued, on the fame critical occafion, the very fame orders, if the acts of trade had been, as they were not, directly against him; and would have chearfully fubmitted to the equity of parliament for his indemnity.

On the conclufion of this business of the Spanifh trade, the news of the troubles, on account of the ftamp-act, arrived in England. It was not until the end of October that thefe accounts were received. No fooner had the found of that mighty tempeft reached us in England, than the whole of the then oppofition, instead of feeling humbled by the unhappy iffue of their measures, feemed to be infinitely elated, and cried out, that the miniftry,

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