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revenue settled on his majesty's civil list to the amount of 800,0001. a year, he has a farther aid, from a large pension list, near 90,0001. a year, in Ireland; from the produce of the dutchy of Lancaster (which we are told has been greatly improved); from the revenue of the dutchy of Cornwall; from the American quit:rents; from the four and a half per cent. duty in the Leeward Islands; this last worth to be sure considerably more than 40,0001. a year. The whole is certainly not much short of a million annually.

These are revenues within the knowledge and cognizance of our national councils. “We have no direct right to examine into the receipts from his majesty's German dominions, and the bishoprick of Ofnaburg. This is unquestionably true. But that which is not within the province of parliament, is yet within the sphere of every man's own reflexion. If a foreign prince resided amongst us, the state of his revenues could not fail of becoming the subject of our speculation. Filled with an anxious concern for whatever regards the welfare of our fovereign, it is impossible, in considering the miserable circumstances into which he has been brought, that this obvious topick should be entirely passed over. There is an opinion universal, that these revenues produce something not inconfiderable, clear of all charges and establishments. This produce the poople do not believe to be

hoarded, hoarded, nor perceive to be fpent. It is accounted for in the only manner it can, by fuppofing that it is drawn away, for the support of that court face tion, which, whilft it distresses the nation, impoverishes the prince in every one of his resources. I once more caution the reader, that I do not urge this consideration concerning the foreign revenue, as if I supposed we had a direct right to examine into the expenditure of any part of it; but folely for the purpose of fhewing how little this system of favouritism has been advantageous to the inonarch himself; which, without magnificence, has sunk him into a state of unnatural poverty; at the same time that he poffeffed every means of afflu: ence, from ample revenues, both in this country, and in other parts of his dominions. :

Has this system provided better for the treatment becoming his high and facred character, and lecured the king from those disgusts attached to the necessity of employing men who are not perfonally agreeable? This is a topick upon which for many reasons I could wish to be filent; but the pretence of securing against such causes of uneasiness, is the corner-stone of the court party. It has however so happened, that if I were to fix upon any one point, in which this system has been more particularly and shamefully blameable, the effects which it has produced would justify me in choosing for that point its tendency to degrade the personal, dignity

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of the fovereign, and to expose hiin to a-thousand contradictions and mortifications. It is but too evident in what manner these projectors of royal greatness have fulfilled all their magnificent promiles. Without recapitulating all the circumstances of the reign, every one of which is more or less a melancholy proof of the truth of what I have advanced, let us consider the language of the court but a few years ago, concerning most of the persons now in the external administration : let me ask, whether any enemy to the personal feelings of the fovereign, could possibly contrive à keener instrument of mortification, and degrada. tion of all dignity, than almost every part and member of the present arrangement? nor, in the whole course of our history, has any compliance with the will of the people ever been known to extort from any prince a greater contradiction to all his own declared affections and dislikes than that which is now adopted, in direct opposition to every thing the people approve and desire. .

An opinion prevails, that greatness has been more than once advised to submit to certain con: defcenfions towards individuals, which have been denied to the entreaties of a nation. For the meanest and most dependent instrument of this system knows, that there are hours when its exiftence may depend upon his adherence to it; and he takes his advantage accordingly. Indeed it is a

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law of nature, that whoever is necessary to what we have made our object, is sure in some way, or in some time or other, to become our master All this however is submitted to, in order to avoid that monstrous evil of governing in concurrence with the opinion of the people. For it seems to be laid down as a maxim, that a king has some sort of interest in giving uneasiness to his subjects: that all who are pleasing to them, are to be of course ditagreeable to him : that as soon as the persons who are odious at court are known to be odious to the people, it is snatched at as a lucky occafion of fhowering down upon them all kinds of emoluments and honours. None are considered as well, wishers to the crown, but thofe who advise to some unpopular course of action; none capable of serving it, but those who are obliged to call at every instant upon all its power for the safety of their lives. None are supposed to be fit priests in the temple of government, but the persons who are compelled to fly into it for sanctuary. Such is the effect of this refined project; such is ever the result of all the contrivances which are used to free men from the servitude of their reason, and from the necessity of ordering their affairs according to their evident interests. These contrivances oblige them to run into a real and ruinous servitude, in order to avoid a supposed restraint that might be attended with advantage:

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If therefore this system has so ill answered its own grand pretence of saving the king from the neceflity of employing perfons disagreeable to him, has it given more peace and tranquillity to his majesty's private hours ? No, most certainly. The father of his people cannot possibly enjoy repose, while his family is in such a state of distraction. Then what has the crown or the king profited by all this finewrought scheme? Is he more rich, or more fplendid, or more powerful, or more at his eafe, by so many labours and contrivances? Have they not beggared his exchequer, tarnished the splendour of his court, funk his dignity, galled his feelings, difcomposed the whole order and happiness of his private life?.

It will be very hard, I believe, to state in what respect the king has profited by that faction which presumptuously choose to call themselves his friends.

If particular men had grown into an attachment, by the distinguished honour of the society of their sovereign; and, by being the partakers of his amusements, came fometimes to prefer the gratification of his personal inclinations to the support of his high character, the thing would be very natural, and it would be excusable enough. But the pleasant part of the story is, that these king's friends have no more ground for úfurping such a title, than a resident freeholder in Cumberland or in Cornwall. They are only known to their sove

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