Imagens da página
PDF
ePub

petual contradiction, in the management of our affairs in that part of the world. A volume might be written on this melancholy fubject; but it were better to leave it entirely to the reflections of the reader himself than not to treat it in the extent it deferves.

In what manner our domeftick œconomy is affected by this fyftem, it is needless to explain. It is the perpetual fubject of their own complaints.

The court party refolve the whole into faction. Having faid fomething before upon this fubject, I fhall only obferve here, that when they give this account of the prevalence of faction, they prefent no very favourable afpect of the confidence of the people in their own government. They may be affured, that however they amufe themselves with a variety of projects for fubftituting fomething elfe in the place of that great and only foundation of government, the confidence of the people, every attempt will but make their condition worfe When men imagine that their food is only a cover for poifon, and when they neither love nor truft the band that ferves it, it is not the name of the roaft beef of Old England, that will perfuade them to fit down to the table that is spread for them When the people conceive that laws, and tribunals, and even popular affemblies, are perverted from the ends of their inftitution, they find in those names of degenerated establishments only new mo

་་ ༤༤

tives

tives to difcontent. Those bodies, which, when full of life and beauty, lay in their arms, and were their joy and comfort, when dead and putrid, become but the more loathfome from remembrance of former endearments. A fullen gloom and furious diforder, prevail by fits; the nation lofes its relish for peace and profperity, as it did in that season of fulness which opened our troubles in the time of Charles the Firft. A fpecies of men to whom a state of order would become a sentence of obfcurity, are nourished into a dangerous magnitude by the heat of inteftine difturbances; and it is no wonder that, by a fort of finifter piety, they cherish, in their turn, the diforders which are the parents of all their confequence. Superficial obfervers confider fuch perfons as the cause of the publick uneafinefs, when, in truth, they are nothing more than the effect of it. Good men look upon this diftracted fcene with forrow and indignation. Their hands are tied behind them. They are despoiled of all the power which might enable them to reconcile the ftrength of government with the rights of the people. They ftand in a moft diftreffing alternative. But in the election among evils they hope better things from temporary confufion, than from eftablished fervitude. In the mean time, the voice of law is not to be heard. Fierce licentioufnefs begets violent reftraints. The military arm is the fole reliance; and then, call your

T3

your constitution what you please, you please, it is the fword that governs. The civil power, like every other that calls in the aid of an ally stronger than itself, perishes by the affiftance it receives. But the contrivers of this fcheme of government will not truft folely to the military power; because they are cunning men. Their restlefs and crooked spirit drives them to rake in the dirt of every kind of expedient, Unable to rule the multitude, they endeavour to raise divifions amongst them. One mob is hired to deftroy another; a procedure which at once encourages the boldness of the populace, and juftly increases their difcontent. Men become penfioners of state on account of their abilities in the array of riot, and the difcipline of confufion. Government is put under the difgraceful neceffity of protecting from the feverity of the laws that very licentioufnefs, which the laws had been before violated to reprefs, Every thing partakes of the original disorder. Anarchy predominates without freedom, and fervitude without fubmiffion or fubordination. Thefe are the confequences inevitable to our publick peace, from the scheme of rendering the executory government at once odious and feeble; of freeing adminiftration from the conftitutional and falutary controul of parliament, and inventing for it a new controul, unknown to the conftitution, an interiour cabinet; which brings the whole body of government into confufion and contempt.

After

After having ftated, as fhortly as I am able, the effects of this fyftem on our foreign affairs, on the policy of our government with regard to our de pendencies, and on the interiour œconomy of the commonwealth; there remains only, in this part of my defign, to say something of the grand principle which first recommended this fyftem at court. The pretence was, to prevent the king from being enslaved by a faction, and made a prisoner in his clofet. This fcheme might have been expected to anfwer at least its own end, and to indemnify the king, in his perfonal capacity, for all the confufion into which it has thrown his government. But has it in reality answered this purpose? I am fure, if it had, every affectionate fubject would have one motive for enduring with patience all the evils which attend it.

In order to come at the truth in this matter, it may not be amifs to confider it fomewhat in detail. I fpeak here of the king, and not of the crown; the interefts of which we have already touched. Independent of that greatnefs which a king poffeffes merely by being a reprefentative of the national dignity, the things in which he may have an individual intereft seem to be thefe; wealth accu mulated; wealth fpent in magnificence, pleafure, or beneficence; perfonal refpect and attention; and above all, private eafe and repofe of mind. Thefe compofe the inventory of profperous circumftances,

T4

cumstances, whether they regard a prince or a fub. ject; their enjoyments differing only in the scale upon which they are formed.

Suppose then we were to afk, whether the king has been richer than his predeceffors in accumulated wealth, fince the establishment of the plan of favouritifm? I believe it will be found that the picture of royal indigence which our court has prefented until this year, has been truly humiliating. Nor has it been relieved from this unfeemly distress, but by means which have hazarded the affection of the people, and fhaken their confidence in parliament. If the publick treasures had been exhaufted in magnificence and fplendour, this diftrefs would have been accounted for, and in fome measure juftified. Nothing would be more unworthy of this nation, than with a mean and mechanical rule, to mete out the splendour of the crown. Indeed I have found very few perfons difpofed to fo ungenerous a procedure. But the gcnerality of people, it must be confeffed, do feel a good deal mortified, when they compare the wants of the court with its expences. They do not behold the cause of this diftrefs in any part of the apparatus of royal magnificence. In all this, they fee nothing but the operations of parfimony, attended with all the confequences of profufion. Nothing expended, nothing faved. Their wonder is increased by their knowledge, that befides the

revenue

3

« AnteriorContinuar »