years. The oldeft controverfies are hauled out of the duft with which time and neglect had covered them. Arguments ten times repeated, a thousand times anfwered before, are here repeated again. Publick accounts formerly printed and re-printed revolve once more, and find their old ftation in this fober meridian. All the common-place lamentations upon the decay of trade, the increase of taxes, and the high price of labour and provifions, are here retailed again and again in the fame tone with which they have drawled through columns of Gazetteers and Advertisers for a century together. Paradoxes which affront common fenfe, and uninteresting barren truths which generate no conclufion, are thrown in to augment unwieldy bulk, without adding any thing to weight. Becaufe two accufations are better than one, contradictions are set ftaring one another in the face, without even an attempt to reconcile them. And to give the whole a fort of portentous air of labour and information, the table of the house of commons is swept into this grand refervoir of politicks.

As to the compofition, it bears a ftriking and whimfical refemblance to a funeral fermon, not only in the pathetick prayer with which it concludes, but in the ftyle and tenour of the whole. performance. It is piteously doleful, nodding every now and then towards dullnefs; well stored

with

with pious frauds, and, like moft difcourfes of the fort, much better calculated for the private advantage of the preacher than the edification of the hearers.

The author has indeed fo involved his fubject, that it is frequently far from being eafy to comprehend his meaning. It is happy for the publick that it is never difficult to fathom his defign. The apparent intention of this author is to draw the most aggravated, hideous, and deformed picture of the state of this country, which his querulous eloquence, aided by the arbitrary dominion he affumes over fact, is capable of exhibiting. Had he attributed our misfortunes to their true cause, the injudicious tampering of bold, improvident, and vifionary minifters at one period, or to their fupine negligence and traiterous diffenfions at another, the complaint had been juft, and might have been useful. But far the greater and much the worst part of the ftate which he exhibits is owing, according to his reprefentation, not to accidental and extrinfick mifchiefs attendant on the nation, but to its radical weakness and conftitutional diftempers. All this however is not without purpose. The author is in hopes, that, when we are fallen into a fanatical terrour for the national falvation, we shall then be ready to throw ourfelves, in a fort of precipitate truft, fome strange difpofition of the mind jumbled up of prefumption and despair,

into the hands of the moft pretending and forward undertaker. One fuch undertaker at least he has in readiness for our fervice. But let me affure this generous person, that however he may fucceed in exciting our fears for the publick danger, he will find it hard indeed to engage us to place any confidence in the fyftem he propofes for our fecurity.

His undertaking is great. The purpose of this pamphlet, and at which it aims directly or obliquely in every page, is to perfuade the publick of three or four of the most difficult points in the worldthat all the advantages of the late war were on the part of the Bourbon alliance; that the peace of Paris perfectly confulted the dignity and intereft of this country; and that the American Stampact was a master-piece of policy and finance; that the only good minifter this nation has enjoyed fince his Majefty's acceffion, is the Earl of Bute; and the only good managers of revenue we have feen are Lord Defpenfer and Mr. George Grenville; and under the defcription of men of virtue and ability, he holds them out to us as the only perfons fit to put our affairs in order. Let not the reader mistake me: he does not actually name these perfons; but, having highly applauded their conduct in all its parts, and heavily cenfured every other set of men in the kingdom, he then recommends us to his men of virtue and ability.

Such

Such is the author's fcheme.

Whether it will
But surely that

answer his purpose, I know not. purpose ought to be a wonderfully good one, to warrant the methods he has taken to compass it. If the facts and reafonings in this piece are admitted, it is all over with us. The continuance of our tranquillity depends upon the compaffion of our rivals. Unable to fecure to ourselves the advantages of peace, we are at the fame time utterly unfit for war. It is impoffible, if this ftate of things be credited abroad, that we can have any alliance; all nations will fly from fo dangerous a connexion, left, instead of being partakers of our ftrength, they fhould only become sharers in our ruin. If it is believed at home, all that firmness of mind, and dignified national courage, which used to be the great fupport of this ifle against the powers of the world, muft melt away, and fail within us.

In such a state of things can it be amiss, if I aim at holding out fome comfort to the nation; another fort of comfort indeed, than that which this writer provides for it; a comfort, not from its phyfician, but from its conftitution; if I attempt to fhew that all the arguments upon which he founds the decay of that conftitution, and the neceffity of that phyfician, are vain and frivolous? I will follow the author closely in his own long career, through the war, the peace, the finances, our trade, and

our

our foreign politicks: not for the fake of the particular measures which he difcuffes; that can be of no ufe; they are all decided; their good is all enjoyed, or their evil incurred: but for the fake of the principles of war, peace, trade, and finances. Thefe principles are of infinite moment. They must come again and again under confideration; and it imports the publick, of all things, that those of its minifters be enlarged, and juft, and well confirmed, upon all thefe fubjects. What notions this author entertains, we fhall fee presently; notions in my opinion very irrational, and extremely dangerous; and which, if they fhould crawl from pamphlets into counfels, and be realized from private speculation into national measures, cannot fail of haftening and compleating our ruin.

This author, after having paid his compliment to the fhewy appearances of the late war in our favour, is in the utmost hafte to tell you that these appearances were fallacious, that they were no more than an impofition.I fear I must trouble the reader with a pretty long quotation, in order to fet before him the more clearly this author's peculiar way of conceiving and reasoning:

"Happily (the K.) was then advised by minifters, who did not fuffer themfelves to be daz"zled by the glare of brilliant appearances; but, "knowing them to be fallacious, they wifely re"folved to profit of their splendour before our "" enemies C

VOL. II.