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ruption of manners, the idleness and profligacy of the lower fort of voters, no prudent man would propofe to increase fuch an evil, if it be, as I fear it is, out of our power to adminifter to it any remedy. The author propofes nothing further. If he has any improvements that may balance or inay leffen this inconvenience, he has thought proper to keep them as ufual in his own breaft. has been fo referved, I fhould have wished he had been as cautious with regard to the project itself. Firft, because he obferves juftly, that his fcheme, however it might improve the platform, can add nothing to the authority of the legislature; much, I fear, it will have a contrary operation: for, authority depending on opinion at least as much as on duty, an idea circulated among the people that our conftitution is not fo perfect as it ought to be, before you are fure of mending it, is a certain method of leffening it in the publick opinion. Of this irreverent opinion of parliament, the author himfelf complains in one part of his book; and he endeavours to increase it in the other.

Has he well confidered what an immenfe operation any change in our constitution is? how many difcuffions, parties, and paffions, it will neceffarily "excite; and, when you open it to inquiry in one part, where the inquiry will ftop? Experience fhews us, that no time can be fit for fuch changes but a time of general confufion; when good men,

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finding every thing already broke up, think it right to take advantage of the opportunity of such derangement in favour of an ufeful alteration. Perhaps a time of the greateft fecurity and tranquillity both at home and abroad may likewife be fit; but will the author affirm this to be juft fuch a time? Transferring an idea of military to civil prudence, he ought to know how dangerous it is to make an alteration of your difpofition in the face of an enemy.

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Now comes his American representation. Here too, as ufual, he takes no notice of any difficulty, nor fays any thing to obviate thofe objections that muft naturally arife in the minds of his readers. He throws you his politicks as he does his revenue; do you make fomething of them if you can. Is not the reader a little aftonished at the propofal of an American reprefentation from that quarter? It is propofed merely as a project of fpeculative improvement; not from the neceffity in the cafe, not to add any thing to the authority of parliament, but that we may afford a greater attention to the concerns of the Americans, and give them a better opportunity of ftating their grievances, and of obtaining redrefs. I am glad to find the author has at length discovered that we have not given a fufficient attention to their concerns, or a proper re

P. 39, 40.

drefs

drefs to their grievances. His great friend would once have been exceedingly difpleafed with any perfon, who should tell him, that he did not attend fufficiently to thofe concerns. He thought he did fo, when he regulated the colonies over and over again: he thought he did fo, when he formed two general fyftems of revenue; one of port-duties, and the other of internal taxation. Thefe fyftems fuppofed, or ought to fuppofe, the greatest attention to, and the most detailed information of, all their affairs. However, by contending for the American reprefentation, he feems at laft driven virtually to admit, that great caution ought to be ufed in the exercife of all our legiflative rights over an object fo remote from our eye, and fo little connected with our immediate feelings; that in prudence we ought not to be quite fo ready with our taxes, until we can fecure the defired representation in parliament. Perhaps it may be fome time before this hopeful fcheme can be brought to perfect maturity, although the author feems to be no wife aware of any obftructions that lie in the way of it. He talks of his union, juft as he -does of his taxes and his favings, with as much fang froid and ease, as if his wifh and the enjoyment were exactly the fame thing. He appears -not to have troubled his head with the infinite difficulty of fettling that reprefentation on a fair balance of wealth and numbers throughout the

feveral

feveral provinces of America and the West Indies, under fuch an infinite variety of circumftances. It cofts him nothing to fight with nature, and to conquer the order of Providence, which manifeftly opposes itself to the poffibility of fuch a parliamentary union.

But let us, to indulge his paffion for projects and power, fuppofe the happy time arrived, when the author comes into the miniftry, and is to realize his fpeculations. The writs are iffued for electing members for America and the Weft Indies. Some provinces receive them in fix weeks, fome in ten, fome in twenty. A veffel may be loft, and then fome provinces may not receive them at all. But let it be, that they all receive them at once, and in the shortest time. A proper fpace must be given for proclamation and for the election; fome weeks at leaft. But the members are chofen; and, if ships are ready to fail, in about fix more they ar rive in London. In the mean time the parliament has fat and bufinefs far advanced without American representatives. Nay by this time, it may happen, that the parliament is diffolved; and then the members fhip themselves again, to be again elected. The writs may arrive in America, before the poor members of a parliament in which they never fat, can arrive at their several provinces. A new intereft is formed, and they find other members are chofen whilft they are on the high feas. But, if

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the writs and members arrive together, here is at beft a new trial of fkill amongft the candidates, after one fet of them have well aired themfelves with their two voyages of 6000 miles.

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However, in order to facilitate every thing to the author, we will fuppofe them all once more elected, and steering again to Old England, with a good heart, and a fair wefterly wind in their ftern. On their arrival, they find all in a hurry and buftle; in and out; condoleance and congratulation; the crown is demifed. Another parliament is to be called. Away back to America again on a fourth voyage, and to a third election. the author mean to make our kings as immortal in their perfonal as in their politick character? or, whilft he bountifully adds to their life, will die take from them their prerogative of diffolving ́parliaments, in favour of the American union? or are the American reprefentatives to be perpetual, and to feel neither demifes of the crown, nor diffolutions of parliament?

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But these things may be granted to him, without bringing him much nearer to his point. What does he think of re-election? is the American member the only one who is not to take a place, or the only one to be exempted from the ceremony of re-election? How will this great politician preferve the rights of electors, the fairness of returns, and the privilege of the houfe of commons, as the

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