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to France, the colonies of being torn to pieces, the fuccefsion of the crown at the mercy of our great rival, and the kingdom itself on the very point of becoming tributary to that haughty power. All this for want of £.300,000; far I defy the reader to point out any other revenue, or any other pre cise and defined scheme of politicks, which he affigns for our redemption. . ibis : 178 · I know that two things may be said in his defence, as bad reasons are always at hand in an indifferent cause; that he was not sure the money would be applied as he thinks it oughti to be, by the present 'ministers. I think as ill of them as he does to the full. They have done very near as múch mischief as they can do, to a conftitution so robust as this is. Nothing can make them more dangerous, but that, as they are already in general composed of his difciples and instruments, they may add to the publick calamity of their own meafures, the adoption of his projects. But be the minifters what they may, the author knows that they could not-avoid applying this £.450,000 to the service of the establishment, ás faithfully as he, or any other minister, could do. I say they could not avoid it, and have no merit at all for the ap· plication. But fuppofing that they should greatly mismanage this revenue. Here is a good deal of room for mistake and prodigality before you come to the edge of suin. The difference between the amount of that real and his imaginary revenue is, £.150,000 a year, at least; a tolerable fum for them to play with; this might compensate the difference between the author's æconomy and their profufion; and still, notwithstanding their vices and ignorance, the nation might be faved. The author ought also to recollect, that a good man would hardly deny, even to the worst of ministers, the means of doing their duty; especially in a crisis when our being depended on fupplying them with fome means or other. In such a case their penury of mind, in discovering resources, would make it rather the more necessary, not to strip such poor providers of the little stock they had in hand, 4. Besides, here is another subject of distress, and a very serious one, which puts us again to a stand. The author may possibly not come into power (I only state the poflibility): he may not always continue in it; and if the contrary to all this should fortunately for us happen, what insurance on his life can be made for a fum adequate to his lofs ? Then we are thus unluckily fituated, that the chance of an American and Irish revenue of £.300,000 to be managed by him, is to save us from ruin two or three years hence at best, to make us happy at home and glorious abroad; and the actual poffeffion of £.400,000 English taxes cannot so much as protract our ruin without him. So we are staked on four chances; his power, its permanence, the




füccess of his projects, and the duration of his life, Any one of these failing, we are gone. Propria hæc fi dona fuiffent! This is no unfair representa: tion; ultimately all hangs on his life, because, in his account of every set of men that have held or supported administration, he finds neither yirtue nori ability in any but himfelf. Indeed he pays (through their measures) fome compliments to Lord Bute and Lord Defpenser. But to the latter, this is, I fuppofe, but a civility to old acquaintance: to the former, a little stroke of politickš. We may therefore fairly say, that our only hope is his life; and he has, to make it the more fo, taken care to cut off any resource which we poffested independent of him. 31'in ijiwitin. ii .

In the next place it may be said, to excuse any appearance of inconsistency between the author's. actions and his declarations, that he thought it right to relieve the landed interest, and lay the burthen where it ought to lie, on the colonies. What! to take off a revenue fo necessary to our being, before any thing whatsoever was acquired in the place of it? In prudence, he ought to have waited at least for the first quarter s receipt of the new anonymous American revenue, and Irish land tax. Is there something so specifick for our diforders in American, and fomething fo poisonous in English money, that one is to heal, the other to deftroy us? To fay that the landed interest could


not continue to pay it for a year or two longer, iš more than the author will attempt to prove. To fay that they would pay it no longer, is to treat the danded intereft, in my opinion, very fcurvily. To fuppose that the gentry, clergy, and freeholders of England do not rate the commerce, the credit, the religion, the liberty, the independency of their country, and the succession of their crown, catia Shilling in the pound land tax!. They never gave him reason to think so meanly of them. And, if Jam rightly informed, when that measure was debated in pariiament, a very different reason was affigned by the author's great friend, as well as by others, for that reduction: one very different from the critical and almost desperate state of our finan"ces. Some people then endeavoured to prove, that

the reduction might be made without detriment P to the national credit, or the due support of a proper peace establishment; otherwise it is obvious that the reduction could not be defended in argu"ment. So that this author cannot despair so much of the commonwealth, without this American and Trith revenue, as he pretends to do. If he does, 'the reader fees how handsomely he has provided for us, by voting away one revenue, and by giving us a' pamphlet on the other. ... si si 1,1,I do not mean to blame the relief which was then given by parliament to; the land. It was grounded on very weighty reasons. The adminif


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tration contended only for its continuance for a year, in order to have the merit of taking off the fhiling in the pound immediately before the elec-> tions; and thus to bribe the freeholders of England with their own money. ' ; ; seriet

It is true, the author, in this estimate of ways and means, takes credit for £.400,000'a year, Ind. dian revenue. But he will not very positively in aft, that we thould put this revenue to the account of his plans or his power; and for a very plain reason: we are already near two years in poffeffion of it.i : By what means we came to that poffeffion, is a pretty long story; however, I fhall give non thing more than a short abftract of the proceeding in order to see whether the author will take to himself any part in that measure... jino

The fact is this; the East India company had for a good while folicited the ministry for a negot ciation, by which they proposed to pay largely for fome advantages in their trade, and for the renewal of their charter. This had been the former method of transacting with that body. Government having only lealed the monopoly for thort · terms, the company has been obliged to refort to it frequently for renewals. These two parties had always négociated (on the true principle of credit) not as government and subject, but as equal dealers, on the footing of mutual advantage. The publick had derived great benefit from such deal

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