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thing done at this time, was to re-publish the two first essays, which made about twelve pages.

At length the Philadelphia Society was dissolved by a very trifling affair. The Agricultural Society of Fredericksburg published a memorial to Congress, signed by J. M. Garnet, against the application of the manufacturers for relief, in which they were very severe in their strictures on what they styled the attempt of this body to secure a monopoly. They stated:

"We ask no tax upon manufactures for our benefit. Neither do we desire any thing of government to enable us to cultivate the soil, as profitably as we could wish; but to leave us free, so far as it depends on them, to carry our products to the best market we can find, and to purchase what we want in return, on the best terms we can, either at home or abroad."

To this I wrote a reply in a pamphlet of one hundred and fourteen pages, which I published early in 1820, in my own name, as I used stronger language than the Society would probably choose to adopt. As the members were all engaged in the common cause of the country in which all but myself, and one or two others, were personally interested-independent of public motives, which were common to all, I calculated that the expense of this pamphlet, which was only about eighty dollars, would be borne by the Society. I was mistaken. They refused to contribute to the expense, on the ground that "it was not issued in their names!" A few copies were purchased by individuals of the Society, and all the rest of the edition was left on my hands; for the work fell still-born from the press; as I never sold, as far as I recollect, two dozen copies except those above stated. I distributed the bulk of the edition gratuitously, at my own expense.

At this procedure, I was, as may be supposed, chagrined; not on account of the amount, but of the contracted views of the parties. I naturally thought, that if I had to write, and print, and publish, and distribute, at my own expense, I had no occasion for a Society, in which, some of the members, to display their skill and talents, indulged occasionally in hypercriticisms on the essays, which were not very gratifying. I therefore, shortly after the publication of the letters to Mr. Garnet, withdrew from the Society, which never published any thing afterwards-and soon died a natural death. Thus was allowed to perish, for a shabby trifle, a Society which had done much good, and was capable of still producing more.

The letters to Mr. Garnet involved me in an acrimonious controversy with that gentleman, who, instead of attempting to answer or refute my arguments, indulged in a strain of balderdash-unworthy of the subject, and of the writer, as a gentleman-which he regarded, I presume, as extremely witty and humorous.

Although I withdrew from the Society, I continued, nevertheless, to write, and print, and publish, as steadily as I had done before; and proceeded till the year 1832, when, by the triumph of nullification, the duties were reduced to meet the views of the Southern people, and the principle of protection appeared to be, in a great degree, abandoned. The first pamphlet I wrote after I quitted the Society was New Olive Branch," of two hundred and twenty-four pages, (the second edition was in smaller type, and of course in fewer pages.) In this work I took a succinct view of the progress of the government of

"the

the United States, from the peace of 1783-of the distress that led to the adoption of the Federal Constitution-of the very partial legislation that took place under that instrument; when, to secure to the tobacco-planters a monopoly of the consumption of their staple in the country, the duties on snuff and manufactured tobacco were specific, and amounted to from eighty to ninety per cent. while nine-tenths of all the manufactures imported paid but five per cent.!! and when, to encourage the culture of cotton, the duty on that bulky raw material was about one hundred and fifty per cent. more than on the light articles, calicoes and chintzes! I showed the contrast between the tedious legislation on any thing connected with the protection of manufactures, and the indecent rapidity with which the Congress of 1815 hurried through the bill rendering the members salary officers, at the rate of fifteen hundred dollars per annum; which bill was brought into the House of Representatives on the sixth of March, and signed by the President on the eighteenth of the same month! I further stated how paltry a revenue had been derived from that most odious of taxes, the excise, which had led to an insurrection that might have produced the prostration of the government. It averaged, for the first three years, only about two hundred and thirty thousand dollars, not half the sum which might have been easily raised by a small addition to the duty on the importation of manufactures.

Through a large portion of the time, I had no co-operation whatever. Men, worth hundreds of thousands of dollars, were not ashamed to have their cause defended, and at a heavy expense, by a man who, as I have stated, never had any interest in it. Numbers of them actually refused any contribution whatever-and some of those who contributed, appeared to regard it as an alms. I can safely say, that with three or four exceptions, from June, 1820, till the meeting of the NewYork Convention, in November, 1831, any co-operation that I procured, was the result of degrading importunity, which wounded me to the soul. Thus, while I was neglecting my business-up early and late, writing and corresponding-and lavishing my money-in the cause, to an extent that I could ill afford, I had the appearance of a mercenary scribbler, depending on the hire of a prostituted pen for a support! Nothing but the immense magnitude of the object at stake could have induced me to continue under appearances so abhorrent to my feelings. I shudder at the degradation to this hour.

I believed, and still believe, that I was not only laboring for the present and future generations of the United States-but for the operatives of Europe-as, if our manufactures were adequately protected, thousands of those people would remove to this country, and be in a far better situation than at home; and, in addition, their emigration, by diminishing the number of those that remained behind, would improve the prospect. Such were the considerations that led me to persevere in spite of the great variety of uncomfortable circumstances wherewith the warfare was uniformly attended-resulting incomparably more from my treatment by its friends, than from the hostility of its enemies. M. CAREY.

Philadelphia, October 13, 1834.

COMMENTS ON THE TIMES.

I. THE NORTH AND SOUTH.

It is gratifying to all friends of the Union that a more easy communication between the northern and southern states has naturally led to a more frequent intercourse. Prejudice, interest, political dissension, have done much to create alienation and distrust. A better acquaintance cannot fail to dissipate these evils. Different as the character of the two sections may be, the common sympathies are more numerous than the unreflecting consider them. There is no reason under heaven why the union of feeling and reflection should not be as complete, as are our political connections. Bound together by a common constitution, we should be also bound together by alliances of mutual regard and friendship.

We have said that the northern and southern characters materially differ. There is more quickness, more ardor, a greater disregard of consequences, more active impulse, with the citizens of Virginia and the Carolinas than with us. In New-England we are more prudent, more reflective, not in the main less generous, or less disinterested than they. There is a cautious population here, more industrious, perhaps, certainly more absorbed in the cares and avocations of life. All these peculiarities arise from our social condition, and the character of our soil and climate. A southerner is more easy and familiar with strangers; he is at an early age brought into their society; and, from the habits of hospitality current in his country, is taught to treat them with kindness and leave them as friends. The traveler sleeps and breakfasts with the planter; and the planter is at leisure to ride with him about his grounds, or to join him in the sports of the chase. Our merchants and farmers must look to their affairs in person; they have little time to spend in entertaining even their friends; and think they do all that is required of them in building fine hotels for the accommodation of visiters. The spirit of hospitality is not by nature more ardent in the South, but by habit and circumstances; which, if they do not absolutely change, greatly modify and control nature.

We have been led to these reflections by noticing, in a southern journal, a few judicious comments on the same subject. "Our people," says a correspondent of the Fredericksburg Arena, "ought to travel Northward oftener. They would learn much that is valuable, in a mere pecuniary point of view; and they would profit much more in unlearning the prejudices which ignorance alone and misrepresentation, have fostered against their Northern brethren. The latter, too, have some, though fewer, reciprocal prejudices, which a closer scrutiny would cure. It is of unspeakable importance that these mutual dislikes should be weeded away. The perpetuity of our Union, and the peace, the liberty, the happiness of its members, may, in a great degree, depend upon the accomplishment of that expurgation."

At a time like the present, it is of the highest importance that the most friendly relations should be cultivated with our southern brethren. All minor differences, all perverse prejudices, all unholy excitements must cease. Geographical lines must not continue political and moral demarkations. A peaceful revolution in our political masters must be made, or the last hopes of civil liberty perish. In this revolution the high-minded, intelligent, and patriotic, of all portions must unite— cordially and with their whole hearts-with the fixed resolution, that principle, integrity, and true zeal for the public good shall govern in the contest, and that all sectional jealousies and local predilections shall be sacrificed on the altar of the common weal. With such an union every thing will be gained, without it nothing.

II. MATTHIAS THE PROPHET.

THE success of this imposter is one of the most singular affairs of the day. It is a proof that human nature will ever continue what it always has been, in spite of the march of mind, and the spirit of improvement. True enough it is, that every Darby will find her Joan, and every imposter his dupe. Fanaticism and infidelity will flourish in defiance of the birch of the schoolmaster; they are spirits which his rod cannot lay.

It is now between two and three years since plain Robert Mathies converted himself into the Prophet of the God of the Jews. Of his previous history we know nothing. His career commenced in Albany, and was soon after continued in New-York. Proselytes were, at first, few; his profession did not prosper. Tools, however, soon presented themselves, and three of the most wealthy merchants of Pearl-street fell into his snare; their names were Pierson, Mills, and Folger. Their credulity and confidence knew no bounds. They embraced the doctrines of the new prophet with implicit belief. His wardrobe needed a supply; and could the prophet appear in garments less costly than the robes of earthly princes? Funds were raised by his followers. The vestures of Matthias shone with gold and silver; his jewels were rich and rare, his sword was of costly workmanship. This weapon, according to the imposter, is the Sword of Gideon, and was miraculously put into his possession. As a proof of its celestial temper, the blade bears evident marks of native manufacture, with the national motto of E Pluribus Unum.

The bondage of his three victims became complete. Mr. Pierson was finally liberated by death, under circumstances which throw the strongest suspicion on the prophet. He unquestionably died by poison. His death alarmed Mr. Folger and his family, and they determined to abandon the prophet. He threatened them with sickness and death. Mr. Folger was resolute, and the wretch attempted to administer poison. The family fortunately escaped. Matthias was immediately arrested, and the circumstances above detailed soon became public.

Matthias was arrested in Albany, where his wife and daughter have been residing, in very indigent circumstances; supporting themselves by menial occupations. Among the articles found in his possession, appertaining to his trade as prophet, was a six foot rule, marked like a carpenter's scale, and intended to be used for the purpose of dividing

New-Jerusalem into lots for the faithful. A key, resembling gold, was designed to unlock the gates of heaven. In his trunk were found linen and wearing apparel of the most rich and costly description. "Linen shirts," says the New-York Times, "of the most exquisite fineness, the wristbands fringed with delicate lace; silk stockings and handkerchiefs, kid and other gloves, and a great variety of other similar articles fitted out the trunk; the other contained his goldmounted cocked hat, an olive cloak of the finest texture, lined throughout with velvet and silk; a new green and a brown frock-coat of similar quality; the former heavily embroidered with gold, and the latter with silver, in the form of stars, with a large sun on one breast and seven stars on the other; two merino morning dresses, and other rich et ceteras, 'too tedious to mention.' But the cap sheaf' of all were two night-caps, made of linen-cambric, folded in the form of a mitre, richly embroidered-one with the names of the twelve apostles written around it, and Jesus Matthias' adorning the front in more conspicuous characters; the other surrounded with the names of the twelve tribes, the front embellished the same as the other. The whole betokened the utmost extravagance and lavish expenditures of money and labor; and months must have been spent by female hands, probably those of some one or more of his deluded dupes, in ornamenting and making up the apparel of this dainty carpenter and prophet.”

Matthias awaits in prison the investigation and due punishment of his impiety and crime. Full details of the whole affair will, undoubtedly, be made. In its present development it forms one of the strangest chapters in the history of the human mind. It laughs to scorn the philosophy of an intellectual era. Human nature is essentially what it always has been, and all the schoolmasters in the universe cannot change it. Delusions, hardly less absurd than those of the times of witchcraft, are current every where at the present moment.

III. MARCH OF ANARCHY.

THE recent melancholy indications of a state of confusion and anarchy, of a growing disregard of law and order, an increasing and irrepressible spirit of turbulence and tumult, must excite in the most unreflecting mind the most serious considerations. Where had this spirit birth? In the nature of our own citizens, or in the example of a licentious foreign population? In the nature of our government, or in the character of those who have administered it ?—a character which uniformly gives a tone to its subjects.

The spirit of violence and disorder was first displayed on the part of our government. It was exhibited in the forcible seizure of the public monies, and the inflammatory and violent measures by which it was sustained. We will carry through the President's will, exclaimed the government, perish what may! We will carry through our will, echoed the sovereign people, perish what may! The insolence, with which popular deputations were received at Washington, was another exhibition of the spirit of violence. It first openly broke out in the mobs, at the charter elections in New-York. It next appeared at the riots which followed some movements of the antislavery societies; next at the burning of the Ursuline Convent at

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