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Whatever power over the colonies, the parliament might exercise in the act, the diffimilarity between this and the fugar act, paffed in 1764, will not admit of the former's being quoted, with propriety, as a precedent for the latter. The colonists were in no wife uneafy at it, and confidered not the American poftage in the light of an internal tax, defigned for the railing of a revenue from them; for it was but a few comparatively who were affected by it; and thefe were accommodated in the conveyance of their letters, received a full equivalent for the postage of them, and were not bound to fend them by the public poft, when they preferred a private conveyance.

In respect to the readiness of the colonies to cooperate with each other and the mother country, for the general good, they manifefted the fame as occafion required.

The Maffachusetts general court wrote to the feveral 1690. governors of the neighbouring colonies, defiring them to appoint commiffioners" to meet, advise, and conclude upon fuitable methods in affifting each other, for the fafety of the whole land." The governor of New York was requested to fignify the fame to Maryland, and parts adjacent.

The commiffioners met on the 1st of May, at New May York, and were filed a Congress, as may be concluded Confrom the following paragraph in Mr. Stoughton's letter grefs. of October 20, 1693, to Lord Nottingham*: "I crave leave further to acquaint your lordship, that the governor of New York having written unto his excellency the governor here, fignifying his appointment of a meeting at * Hutchinson's History, Vol. II. p. 74,

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New York, upon the first Wednesday of this month, of commiffioners from the feveral governments of New England, Virginia, &c. to concert and agree upon a certain quota of men and money, for the defence of Albany, &c. in obfervance of their majesties commands; it happened to be at fuch a time, and under fuch a conjuncture of affairs here, that no meet perfons could be procured to attend that Congress." It does not appear, that there was any congrefs between the two periods. It may also be observed, that the firft was procured at the motion of the Massachusetts general court, formed, from the neceffity of the day, upon the vacated charter, before a new one was granted; and that the motion originated in the court, from zeal for the common fafety of the colonies, without any interpofition of their majefties command. We meet with no congrefs prior to what was thus procured.

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At the defire of colonel Vetch, there was a congrefs of several governors, with fome of their council and affembly; to confult upon the intended expedition against Canada, and to refolve on methods for fecuring the frontiers.

The Maffachusetts houfe of affembly, at the motion 31. of lieutenant general Nicholson, advised, to a congress of her majefty's governors, attended with fuch perfons as the governments might appoint. The council appointed two, and the house three, out of their respective bodies, to attend the governor to congrefs, which appears to have met afterward at New London.

But though the conduct of the Massachusetts, in their exertions for the general good, was highly commend

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able, their behaviour afterward, in their own colonial affairs, under governor Shute, was greatly cenfured.

The house of affembly attempted to take from colonel 1722. Shute, those powers in matters relative to the war, which belonged to him by the conftitution, and to veft them in a committee of the two houses. They by degrees acquired, from the governor and council, the keys of the treafury; and no monies could be iffued, not fo much as to pay an exprefs, without the vote of the house for that purpose; whereas, by the charter, all monies were to be paid out of the treasury, "by warrant from the governor, with advice and confent of the council."

The miniftry were greatly offended at the governor's being made uneafy; for colonel Shute was known at court and the offices of ftate, under the character of a very worthy gentleman, of a fingular good temper, fitted to make any people under his command happy. When, therefore, they found the contrary in the Massachusetts, they concluded, that the people wished to have no governor from Great Britain, but wanted to be independent of the crown. The cry of the city of London ran exceedingly against them; and a scheme, that had been long planned for taking away the charter, had nearly been executed; but was fortunately fruftrated by the indefatigable pains of Mr. Dummer, their then agent. Their own council at home were obliged to a confeffion of their illegal proceedings. An explanatory charter 1725. Jan. was prepared, propofed, and accepted. Had it not been accepted, the defign was to have fubmitted to the confideration of the British legislature, "What further provision may be neceffary to fupport and preserve his ma

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jefty's authority in the colony, and prevent fimilar invafions of his prerogative for the future *."

It had been ufual to give inftructions to the feveral governors, to recommend to the affembly, the establishing of a falary fuitable to the dignity of their post; but the house had always declined complying, prudently apprehenfive, that difagreeable confequences might enfue, from the independency of the governor on the people over whom he was placed. These inftructions were renewed when governor Burnet was appointed to the chair, who adhering to them, and fhowing a fixed determination not to part with governmental rights, warm difputes followed between him and the house of reprefentatives; whose treatment of him was fo unwarrantable, that the 1729. council board, within a week after the affair, expreffed their concern at the unbecoming and undutiful treatment. given to his excellency, in the meffage of the house, on the fixth of December.

In divers inftances, they fhowed fuch a difpofition to encroach upon the prerogative, to wrangle with their governors, and to difpute with the crown, that the miniftry, and other perfons in public offices, as is natural for those who look for fubmiffive compliance, were much irritated; and improved to the utmoft, all advantages to excite prejudices against them.

It was fuggefted, that they were aiming at independence; and jealoufies were raised in the minds of some, that there was danger of the colonies fetting up for

* Hutchinfon's Hiftory, Vol. II. p. 271, 290, 294, 321. and gov, Burnet's Speech to the Maffachusetts general court, in the Maffachusetts Recordo for 1428.

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themselves. Nevertheless, it was certain that fuch a scheme appeared to the whole country, wild and extravagant; because of the univerfal loyalty of the people, beyond what was to be found in any other part of the British dominions, together with the infancy of the colonies, and their being diftinct from one another in forms of government, religious rites, emulation of trade, and, confequently, their affections; fo that it was not supposable, that they could unite in fo dangerous an enterprise *.

However, when the Massachusetts petitioned the houfe. of commons, praying that they might be heard by counsel on the subject of grievances, the houfe took that opportunity of difcovering how jealous it was of the kingdom's fupremacy, and uncontrollable authority over the colony for the commons having confidered the matter, resolved "That the petition was frivolous and groundless, a high infult upon his majesty's government, and tending to shake off the dependency of the faid colony upon this kingdom, to which, in law and right, they ought to be fubje&t.”

The colonies might object to fome acts paffed refpecting them, particularly-The act prohibiting the cutting down of pitch and tar trees, not being within a fence or enclofure-The act prohibiting the exportation of hats made in the colonies, even from one colony to another; and restraining all makers of hats from taking more than two apprentices at a time, or any for lefs than feven years, and entirely from employing negroes in the bufinefs-The act for the more eafy recovery of debts

* Massachusetts Records for 1729 and 1731. Hutchinson's Hif tory, Vol. II. p. 355, 360-363,

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