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out on the Delaware near the mouth of the Lackawaxen. By the Delaware's zigzag course, this surveyed line was about the length of Marshall's walk, and a sort of L was formed. Not having foreseen how much land this added, the Indians afterwards claimed that the line from the end of the walk should be in the shortest direction to the river.

The objection to the course of the line was pretty fairly refuted by the Councillors, from analogy with other deeds. They further reported, with the testimony, that the depth was fairly measured by Marshall walking, while, in fact, it would have been legal for him to run; and they defended a test of speed and strength for acquiring land, declaring absurd the Indian notion that there should have been a leisurely walk, with an occasional intermission to fire a shot, or to smoke a pipe. Here, however, the Indians were entirely in the right. The depth "as far as a man can go in a day and a half," similar to phrases in other Indian deeds, was, we see, spoken of in this deed a line or two below as being one and a half times "a day's journey." What that familiar expression designates is relatively no more uncertain, no more an opportunity for advantage over the unskilled, than the length of the human foot, arm, digit, or forearm (cubit), or the width of the hand, the originals of our measures of length, and used where an instrument like a foot-rule or a yardstick, showing the standard or supposed average, is not within reach. To count sixty-six miles as the distance a man can go in a day and a half, simply because some man was found to go that far, was about as fair as to measure the frontage of a town lot by a giant's foot. "A day's journey" in the Middle Ages usually meant twenty miles and probably Indians going on foot travelled at about that rate in 1686.

If, indeed, as the defenders of Thomas Penn have maintained, he was merely enforcing a contract, he

is still to be condemned as a man and a statesman. Until he let go some of the claim, he was, at best, grasping at least a million more acres than the children of the forest were disposed to allow for some worn-out and forgotten coats and utensils: and it was a clear case of a blunder which was criminal to arouse the passions of savages against his people: and it was an item in that treatment of the Indians which has been recognized as the disgrace of the American colonies, and of the United States, that, when the Delawares finally demanded what they thought was justice, this land monopolist, as will be shown later, instead of satisfying them, induced the Iroquois to overawe them.

CHAPTER XXIV.

QUAKER CONTROL OF THE ASSEMBLY.

The Proprietaries for some years in financial peril-Appointment and arrival of George Thomas -A flag for the Province-Thomas repents of his bargain as to remuneration-Sassoonan and Nootamis pay visits-Effort to amend currency bill so as to require payment of Proprietary quit rents and sterling debts to King's subjects in Great Britain according to rate of exchange with London -Proprietaries modify the bargain with their Deputy-Compromise as to quit rents, and passage of the bill for increasing paper currency-Oaths allowed in Scotch form, or without kissing the Bible Great Britain sends privateers against the Spaniards The Quakers, greatly in the minority in Pennsylvania, control the Assembly-The Assembly declines to compel even non-Quakers to bear arms Sentiments of the population-Israel Pemberton Jr's remarks about George ThomasProposition concerning government of the CityDeclaration of war against Spain, and project for expedition against Spanish America-Bound servants without masters' consent accepted as recruits -Indian affairs-Crown asks for necessaries for the Province's troops-Assembly refuses to offer bounty-More enlist than expected, and citizens advance money for victuals and transports-Assembly insists upon the return of all the servants, and a mutiny is feared-Assembly votes money "for the King's use," on condition of no bound servants being taken, but condition not complied with-Later Assemblies' action-Embarkation of the troops, but failure of the expedition-Colonial Governors instructed to have future issue of paper

money suspended until the royal approval-Noo-
tamis and others complain of settlements north of
Tohickon Creek, and are threatened with an appeal
to the Six Nations-Embargo-Assembly refuses
to send a vessel against privateers-Thomas
Penn's departure-Springettsbury house and gar-
dens-Logan's letter to the Yearly Meeting-
Changes in membership of the City Corporation.

Grand as the Proprietary estate was, and remunerative as it gave promise to be,-a promise soon beginning to be fulfilled,-the Proprietaries, during the latter years of Patrick Gordon's administration, were very much harassed financially. Any acts of kindness by any of them at that time are much to be admired, and any exactions of their rights at that time are to be looked upon as excusable, when we read the words of the two in England to their brother in Pennsylvania: "We are at the mercy of our creditors without anything to maintain us." Practically all that they had was in America; and the actual income would not support the three men living in the simplest way which was appropriate, required, as they were, to live in separate households. Richard having a family, and being easy-going with money, prevented uniform economy. The sister Margaret and other relatives and dependents had to be helped. Various heavy expenses for the estate, as, for instance, the £5500 consideration for the heir-at-law's release, had been added to the ordinary debts from time to time incurred, raising the total by May, 1734, to £8000, besides the balance of the indebtedness of the Founder. At as late a date as July 9, 1739, it was mentioned that all his debts with the interest had been paid, except two small ones at Westminster, which would be discharged soon. When Thomas Penn left England, he was instructed by his brothers to insist, as politely as he could, that the Lieutenant-Governor come to the family's assistance with £200 per annum, the

first half-yearly payment to be at the next Christmas. Gordon did not agree with alacrity, if he ever paid anything. Somewhat later, the Proprietaries in England were prepared to sell Pennsylvania and the Territories Annexed for enough to let the three brothers live fairly comfortably in England without the great cares, and without being dunned, as waiting for future or full value involved. As one of several measures necessary to obviate sacrificing the property, it was planned to ask Gordon to allow thenceforth £500, paid in London, as the balance of his receipts was calculated to be 1000l., and was deemed a handsome sum for his support. In case of his refusing, somebody was to be at once appointed in his place, there being several well qualified persons who would accept upon said terms. It was said that the Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia accounted for his profits to the Earl of Orkney, the Governor-in-Chief, and received an allowance for himself, also that Lord Baltimore's Deputy took only 1000 (stg. or provincial) pounds.

When the news of Gordon's death reached England, George Thomas, who had visited Pennsylvania about three years before, and was in England with a letter of introduction sent by Thomas Penn for presentation to John Penn, applied to the latter for the vacant place. George Thomas had been Speaker of the Assembly of Antigua, and was in the Council of that island. There is a pedigree of the family in Oliver's History of Antigua, starting with George's grandfather, so that the applicant, who was about forty-two years old, was probably born there. Possessed of an ample fortune in estates in North America and the West Indies, and thus very different from preceding Lieutenant-Governors under the Penns, he explained his application by his liking the people and country of Pennsylvania, and his desire to enlarge and improve his property there. He was willing to make terms advantageous to the

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