ly in a case like this, to command the action of a just and generous nation. But Congress not only intended to give a boundary which included the mouth of the Miami of the Lake and its bay, but the people of Ohio, in convention, asked and expected to receive it. They believed the line included the Miami bay, and a doubt was for the first time thrown upon it by information received from a trapper, who returned from the shores of Lake Michigan while the convention was in session, which caused the insertion of the proviso in the 6th section of the 7th article of the constitution. This constitution was accepted by Congress without a syllable, yea or nay, on the subject of the proviso. It was accepted all together, the proviso forming a part of it. No objection was urged to it by Congress, or by the committee of Congress which reported on the constitution. And when we consider that this proviso was fully and entirely in accordance with the end and aim of the resolution of Congress of the 7th of July, 1786, which asks of Virginia, a modification of her deed of cession, with a view to regard natural boundaries and the commercial relations of the contemplated States; that it accorded with the views of the Legislature of Virginia, who changed their deed of cession for that express and declared purpose; that it accords with the views of the framers of the ordinance of 1787, as appears by the map of their day, showing their opinion of the line which should bound the contemplated States; that it accords, also, with the opinion of the Congress who passed the law under which Ohio formed her constitution and State Government; that this proviso, the solemn act of the people of Ohio, met in convention, declares that as a part of their constitution they ask and claim of Congress that boundary; and, finally, when it is considered that the whole constitution was accepted without a dissent to that proviso, I think a strong case of equitable if not legal right is presented on the part of Ohio, for the definitive sanction of the boundary which she claims; and that it is an irresistible appeal to the sense of justice of the nation. And I, for one, care not whether this act be passed on the ground that Ohio is entitled to the boundary claimed by law, by equity, or on principles of political justice and expediency; but sure I am that the people of that State feel strongly that the concession is due them, and that dissatisfaction will be general and deep if it be withheld. But it is said that the rights of Michigan are implicated in the adjustment proposed by this bill, and that it cannot pass without doing injustice to that Territory; but, for myself, I can discover nothing solid in this objection. I have already shown that that Territory has no right to any particular boundary, either by virtue of the ordinance of 1787, or any of the acts of Congress. If I have succeeded in establishing this, what is left of her claim on those general principles of political justice and expediency, to which I have appealed in behalf of Ohio? Michigan is a temporary territorial Government, extending over about 177,000 square miles of territory, equal in extent to three of the largest States in the Union. It was called into existence by an act of Congress; and, so long as it continues a Territory, it is subject to be changed and modified, as to boundary and extent, at the pleasure of the same power. The inhabitants have their rights as American citizens secured under the ordinance of 1787, and various acts of Congress; but they have no territorial rights; and Michigan, as such, has none against the will of Congress. The question of expediency, only, then occurs in behalf of a State that is to be hereafter formed north of Ohio and Indiana; and I ask, is it expedient that that State should hold the mouth of the Miami, which has its whole navigable course in Ohio and Indiana, and control its entrance? Those two States are constructing a [DEC. 21, 1835. canal connecting the Miami bay with the Wabash river; and that grand work is now delayed, awaiting the decision of this question. I ask, is it expedient that a State, which you are to form hereafter north of these two States, should hold this outlet of the vast region which is intersected by this canal?-that the new State should have delivered to her the key, and be the sole keeper, of the entrance to the noble edifice erected by the industry and enterprise of her neighbors? It is not right. And the pride of those States must be wounded, and their sense of justice outraged, by such a determination. But again: what policy is there in giving the new State, when it shall be created, the jurisdiction over this disputed territory? Is the territory of that State, without it, likely to be too small, or does it want for navigable communication? Neither. One hundred and seventy-seven square miles, an extent equal to three of the largest States in the Union, must be formed into no more than two States; and its eastern portion has advantages of navigation equalled by few States on the Atlantic seaboard. Then, with respect to those who belong to the unclaimed part of the territory-who profess to be contending for their rights, and who accuse Ohio of ambition, and usurpation, and injustice-what is their claim, and for what do they contend? Not the right of selfgovernment, or the right to choose their own rulers, or the jurisdiction to which they shall be attached; for nothing of this is sought to be wrested from them; but they claim to govern their neighbors, who deny them allegiance; or, if not to govern them, they wish to force into their fellowship and fraternity those who turn from them with fear and aversion, and who seek protection from Ohio, whom they think more regardful of their feelings and more friendly to their interests. Those who, in the plenitude of their chivalry, wish to protect the weak against the strong, would do well to think of extending that protection over this people, who, if attached to Michigan, will feel themselves delivered over to a kind of political bondage, and into the hands of those whom they look upon as their adversaries and rivals. Something is surely due to the opinions and feelings of these people of the disputed territory. If joined to Michigan, they cannot and they will not be content with their condition. They contend against it now, like men who are struggling for all that they hold dear and sacred, and against whatever is deemed most calamitous. They think (but I cannot answer for the correctness of their opinion) that, instead of enjoying the privileges of freemen, instead of being placed in the hands of a fostering and paternal Government, which would watch over and protect their interests, and aid in the improvement of their natural advantages, and in the development of their resources, they would be delivered over to a bitter adversary, and a determined and inveterate rival. Mr. President, I ask, in behalf of Ohio, and I most earnestly ask, an early decision of this question. It has been for years past the victim of procrastination. For more than thirty years has Ohio presented herself, year after year, at the bar of Congress, as a petitioner for what she deems her right-what this body, whenever it has spoken, has declared to be hers, either on principles of justice or of national policy; but she has been delayed, postponed, and the measure for her redress lost in the other House, without a hearing had or an opinion elicit ed. I trust and hope that it now approaches a termination, and that its result will be such as to satisfy the pulic mind, and calm the dissatisfaction of our people. NOTES. Letter to the honorable Samuel F. Vinton. WASHINGTON, January 14, 1835. DEAR SIR: Agreeably to your request, I have care DEC. 21, 1835.] President's Message, &c.—Incendiary Publications. fully examined the map of Lake Erie, as laid down and marked out by the commissioners to settle the boundary line under the treaty of Ghent, and find the latitude of the most southern point to be 41 deg. 39 min. 43 sec., as nearly I can ascertain by the scale; but the measurement may possibly vary a second or so from the truth. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, THOS. P. JONES, Office of Archives, Dept. of State. Extract from Captain Talcott's report of January 7, 1834, (Executive Documents 1833-’34, volume 6, document 497.) "The fourth station was at the most southern bend of Lake Michigan, on the beach of the lake, at high-water mark, and about the middle of a reach of the lake which lies east and west, and is about two miles in extent. The observations at this place were more numerous than at any of the other stations, and give for its latitude 41 deg. 37 min. 7.9 sec. north." [The following is a copy of the bill introduced by Mr. EWING: A BILL to settle and establish the northern boundary line of the State of Ohio. Be it enacted, &c., That the northern boundary of the State of Ohio shall be established by, and extend to, a direct line running from the southern extremity of Lake Michigan to the most northerly cape of the Miami bay; thence, northeast, to the northern boundary line of the United States; thence, with said line, to the Pennsylva nia line. SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the boundary line surveyed, marked, and designated, agreeably to "An act to authorize the President of the United States to ascertain and designate the northern boundary of the State of Indiana," approved March the second, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven, shall be deemed and taken as the east and west line mentioned in the constitution of the State of Indiana, drawn through a point ten miles north of the southern extreme of Lake Michigan, and shall be and for ever remain the northern boundary of said State. SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That the northern boundary line ascertained, surveyed, and marked, agreeably to a law of Congress, entitled "An act to ascertain and mark the line between the State of Alabama and the Territory of Florida, and the northern boundary of the State of Illinois, and for other purposes," approved March second, eighteen hundred and thirty-one, shall be deemed and taken as the line west from the middle of Lake Michigan, in north latitude forty-two degrees thirty minutes, to the middle of the Mississippi river, as defined in the act of Congress entitled "An act to enable the people of Illinois Territory to form a constitution and State Government, and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States," approved eighteenth of April, eighteen hundred and eighteen, and shall be and for ever remain the northern boundary line of said State.] When Mr. EWING had concluded, Mr. MORRIS objected to the second reading of the bill, and said that, as there was some difference between his colleague and himself, in relation to some of the principles involved in the bill just read, of an important character, he would submit a resolution, as presenting his views on the subject. The CHAIR stated that, as the resolution was in the form of a joint one, it must be introduced after giving one day's previous notice. Mr. MORRIS gave notice accordingly that he would introduce the resolution to-morrow. PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE, &c. [SENATE. INCENDIARY PUBLICATIONS. Mr. CALHOUN moved that so much of the Presi dent's message as relates to the transmission of incendiary publications by the United States mail be referred to a special committee. Mr. C. said that this was a subject of such importance as, in his opinion, to require the appointment of a special committee. It was one which involved questions of a complicated character, and such as did not properly come within the duties of the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads, touching as they did on the constitutional powers of the Government. Another reason for the appointment of a special committee was to be found in the fact that, in the construction of the standing committees, there was only a single gentleman from that section of the country which was most deeply interested in the proper disposition of this very important subject. He did not anticipate any opposition to the motion, and hoped it would be at once adopted. Mr. KING, of Alabama, expressed his hope that, in this instance, there would be no departure from the customary practice of the Senate, as he had no apprehension that the regular standing committee had the least desire to take any course which would interfere with any right which belonged to any State of the Union. Without looking particularly at the construction of that committee, he felt a confident belief that there was no disposition in any of its members to have the public mails prostituted to the purposes of a set of fanatics. He did not wish to see the subject taken out of the regular course, as he considered that it would be giving to it a greater degree of importance than was necessary. He was of the opinion that the only mode in which Congress could interfere was through the regulations of the Post Office. Beyond that, he believed they had no right to go. Thus believing, notwithstand. ing the situation of peculiar delicacy which he personally occupied, he could not consent to give to the subject more consequence than it deserved, by taking it out of the hands of the regular Post Office Committee. He hoped, therefore, that the Senator from South Carolina would take a different course, and wait to see what was done by that committee before he advised the appointment of a special committee. If he should find that the standing committee did not properly discharge their trust, then it would be time enough to see what other mode could be devised by which a restraint might be constitutionally imposed on the circulation of these mischievous publications. He hoped the subject would not be sent to a special committee. Mr. CALHOUN replied that the Senator from Alabama had mistaken his object, which was not to produce any unnecessary excitement, but to adopt such a course as would secure a committee which would calmly and dispassionately go into an examination of the whole subject; which would investigate the character of those publications, to ascertain if they were incendiary or not, and, if so, on that ground to put a check in their transmission through the country. He could not but express his astonishment at the objection which had been taken to his motion, for he knew that the Senator from Alabama felt that deep interest in the subject which pervaded the feelings of every man in the South ern section of the country. He believed that the Post Office Committee would be fully occupied with the regular business which would be brought before them, and it was this consideration, and no party feeling, which had induced this motion. Whatever was to be done, whatever feeling to be expressed, it was earnestly to be desired that it should come from a committee, a majority of whom were of those who were most deeply interested in the matter; and he hoped this sentiment would be responded to by a general acquiescence on the part of the Senate. [DEC. 21, 1835. himself a traitor to his section of the country if he could suffer any consideration as to the presidential election to be brought to bear upon it. It was a question of infinitely higher moment. His desire was to allay every excited feeling; to look calmly, not only at the main question, but at all the collateral. He looked only to the importance of the subject, as a new one, which was now to settle a great principle. He did not desire to assume any responsibility which the crisis did not demand, but he would not shrink from any necessary labor. The Southern people were deeply interested; they Mr. GRUNDY said that his situation was such that he deemed that principles were involved in this subject ought not, perhaps, to take any part in this discussion, which affected their rights, and on the right decision of but that his silence might be misrepresented. In refer- which the peace and harmony of the nation depended. ence to the objection that the members of the standing On these grounds he had desired a special committee. committee were from a different part of the country, he Mr. LEIGH said he should vote for a reference of the would reply that, such being the case, if the same sen- subject to a special committee, not from any distrust of timents favorable to the opinions of the Senator from the standing Committee on the Post Office, on account South Carolina were entertained by the majority of of the quarter of the Union from which the members them, their report would go forth to the public so much composing the committee came, but because he did not the stronger, as it would show that there existed a simi- think that the subject belonged to the province of the larity of feeling in every part of the country, as to the standing committee. He understood that committee to power of the Government to act efficiently on this sub-be charged with matters relating to the general arrangeject. He did not intend even to give a full opinion; it ments of the Post Office, and not to take cognizance of was not the time for it; but he would say that the gen- any thing with which was mingled up constitutional eral Government could do very little, except it should questions of such delicacy. He would take occasion to be through the regulation of the Post Office, and by say now, that, from the conversations he had had with aiding to give efficiency to the operation of the State intelligent individuals from the non-slaveholding States, laws. Perhaps more might be done, but he did not there existed no essential difference of opinion between desire to see any power exercised which could have the them and himself. All of them were deeply impressed least tendency to interfere with the sovereignty of the with the wickedness of these incendiary publications, States. He would only add, that the standing commit- and were ready to go with him in a common effort to tee he had intended to call together to-morrow, chiefly suppress them. There was therefore no fear to be enfor the purpose of deliberating on this subject, but, tertained as to the course of the intelligent part of the hearing that some motion of this kind might be made, North. But there was a fear lest this question should he had delayed his intention. He neither wished for become involved in party considerations; and he should the labor of examining this subject in the regular comhave no fear of this if the subject were sent to a special mittee, nor did he desire to avoid any responsibility. It committee. So sure as it becomes entangled with party was not improbable that there would have been unanim- views, every thing like wise and efficient concert of acity of sentiment. tion will be prevented. Mr. PRESTON made a few remarks, the commencement of which was inaudible, from the low tone in which it was delivered. It had been said that the evil was to be cured through the regulation of the Post Office. Had the Government any power to regulate that way? If so, to what extent? What surveillance could it exercise over the Post Office? If there can be any efficient action in this mode to protect the rights and harmony of the South, then to what extent do we want protection? He believed the importance of the subject, involving, as it did, the interests of a large portion of the country, required that it should be submitted to a special committee. There was great anxiety on the subject pervading the South, but no excitement was likely to grow out of it. If there should be any, it would not be as to the question of slavery, but the power which might be exercised by the Government. Mr. BUCHANAN expressed his gratification to hear the gentleman from Virginia express the result of his conversations with the gentlemen of the North; and he was sure the honorable Senator spoke the sentiments of every intelligent man north of the slaveholding States, when he says he would suppress any incendiary publica tions which disturb the tranquillity of that section of the Union. I have yet to find that man of intelligence in the North who is of the opinion that the general Government has any right to interfere in the question of domestic slavery in the South; and all are disposed to go as far as they can constitutionally go, to suppress the transportation of incendiary publications through the mail. The reason why he was opposed to a special committee was, because by adopting the ordinary course party spirit would be effectually put down. He had no fear of creating any party spirit on the subject in this Mr. CALHOUN stated that, if this subject had been body; but abroad the question might be asked, for within the ordinary duties of the Committee on the Post what purpose was this referred to a special committee? Office, he would not have objected to their taking charge Is the subject so far out of the reach of law that it canof it; but every one must see that it involved considera- not otherwise be taken hold of? Are there any two tions of a peculiar character, separate and distinct from individuals who differ as to the propriety of doing all that the ordinary duties of that committee. He had no de- can be done to prevent the circulation of incendiary sire to bring into debate the important question of sla- publications in the South? The only question is the very, but merely the powers of the Government. The constitutional one, how far can we go? I undertake to peculiar question of power now presented was a new say that we are all disposed to go as far as we can; and one, and required to be examined with the utmost cau- when we have raised a standing committee, conversant tion. In all free States, the most dangerous precedents with the business of the Post Office and post roads, had been founded on questions of this character. Great shall we take the subject out of their hands, and give it principles might be overlooked, and dangerous inno- to a special committee? Abroad this may be considered vations adopted, from which the worst consequences a party movement. Mr. B. concluded with saying he would flow. He looked to the constitution only. This should vote to send the subject to the Committee on the was a great constitutional question, and he should deem Post Office and Post Roads. He Mr. MANGUM was disposed to vote for a special committee, because he desired to see the subject fairly and fully deliberated on. He deprecated all party feelings, and hoped they would be avoided in the consideration of this matter. He did not believe there was any intention, and for himself he disclaimed any, to cast the slightest disrespect on the general committee. But this was a subject which did not come within the range of their duties. The great question to be considered, and it was of the highest magnitude and delicacy, was, how far have we a right to proceed? He was unable to lash himself into any excitement on the subject. He had never been able to apprehend those dangerous results which others seemed to fear; and, whatever was to be feared from the dispersion of incendiary publications in the South, he thought there was in the Government no power over their general circulation. should regard the assumption of any such power as deeply to be deprecated. After seeing many Eastern friends, he was prepared to concur with the gentleman from Virginia, that, through all the Northern region of country, whatever difference existed on the abstract question of slavery, the general structure of public opinion was sound. He did not fear any excitement here or elsewhere. We were compelled to act on this subject by the suggestion in the message of the President. He regarded it as a question of great moment, and every gentleman must see the propriety of giving it to a separate committee. The Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads were likely to have more labor than they would be able to discharge. New routes would be presented to them from every part of the country. But whether such was the case or not, the great question here to be considered was foreign to the objects within their province, and could have no reference to their duties. [SENATE. lation to the intelligence of the non-slaveholding States, he could not agree with the honorable Senator from North Carolina that there was no danger. Certainly there was no immediate danger. The decision and energy exhibited during the last summer at the South, with the aid of public opinion to the North, had checked the incendiaries. Without such decisive manifestations we should now have had philanthropists travelling in the slave States, and claiming the "constitutional right" to stimulate the slaves to rebellion. But though there was no cause for immediate alarm, there was every motive for the Southern States to keep a vigilant eye on all the movements in relation to this matter. It was well known that associations made up principally of hypocrites and fanatics, and rendered more mischievous by having obtained the assistance of some well-meaning but most weak and misguided men, were laboring incessantly to render their position in regard to their slaves uneasy and insecure. Fanaticism of all kinds had a tendency to spread. In its very nature it was contagious, and it could only be extinguished by decisive measures on its first outbreaking. He had not made up his own mind, Mr. P. said, on the power of Congress to the extent to which the inquiry suggested by the President might lead. It was unnecessary to state that a strong excitement prevailed through the South, and the citizens of that section certainly expected action on this subject, if it could be constitutionally had. If it could not, they would not ask it, and would look round for measures from their own legislation by which they might protect themselves. The Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads was composed, in a large proportion, of gentlemen from nonslaveholding States. He could not be misunderstood, after what he had already said. He meant no disrepect, but he thought that, if the conclusions to which the committee who might have the matter in charge arrived were adverse to the power, it would obtain an easier and more cordial assent from the people of the South if it came from members having the same interests with themselves, and acting under the same sense of danger, and the same desire to obtain a remedy for a common evil. For this reason, Mr. P. said, he preferred a special com If it were to be sent to either of the standing committees, the Judiciary would be the most appropriate one. Those who most deprecate the circulation of incendiary publications feel a still stronger apprehension as to the extension of the powers of the Government. Mr. PORTER, of Louisiana, said that the question was not of much importance, though the matter which gave rise to it was of paramount importance to that por-mittee. tion of the Union from whence he came. He thought, Mr. CLAYTON said, if this subject was to go to any with the Senator from North Carolina, that, if the sub-standing committee, he would like to hear some good ject must go to one of the standing committees, it should be that on the Judiciary; as the main question to be examined was the constitutional power of conferring such authority on the Post Office Department as had been solicited from certain quarters of the Union--not on any of the details connected with that branch of the Government. Mr. P. preferred the special committee, not because he thought it would differ widely in its conclusions from that on the Post Office and Post Roads, but because he thought it was due to the importance of the subject that every thing which could mark the deep sense of the Senate of its weight and gravity should be done. He concurred with the Senator from North Carolina on the opinion which generally prevailed among persons of intelligence in the non-slaveholding States on this question. He also gave his ready and cheerful testimony to the liberality which his brother Senators from all parts of the Union exhibited, and he had no doubt felt, on this most delicate of all questions. They looked at it with the eyes of statesmen and patriots. They saw that, constitutionally, the non-slaveholding States could not interfere, and they knew that all attempts of this kind must end either in drawing tighter the bonds which confined the the slave, or in bursting them with consequences which no one could contemplate without horror. But while he assented to all that had been said in re reasons why, if it involved a question of constitutional law, it ought not to be sent to the Judiciary Committee. But he believed the gentlemen on that committee were not anxious to assume the duty, and therefore he would vote for sending it to a special committee. It should be remembered that this subject was not before the Senate when the standing committees were appointed, and that the committee on the Post Office was not selected in reference to it. He was in favor of a special committee, because he wished gentlemen from the South on the committee. He was desirous to see more of these than from any other section of country. Four out of five of the Post Office Committee were Northern Senators, and this was an objection in his mind to sending the subject to that committee. He spoke as one representing Southern interests and feelings, and his constituents would be better satisfied if Southern gentlemen were on the committee. If it was to go to a standing committee, the subject should be sent to the Judiciary, as the most appropriate; but, as they were not anxious to have it, he was willing to give it to a special committee. Mr. KING, of Alabama, expressed some surprise at the general disclaimer of party feelings. He had charged no such feelings to any Senator, and there was no reason or necessity for the disclaimer. He had contended that the Government had no right to interfere with the slave question at all, nor by any of his acts would he even indirectly give them the power. Ilis constituents were almost as deeply interested in this question as any portion of the community-perhaps there were none more so. With this conviction, and notwithstanding the excitement which had existed last session, he would rely on the Northern States to put it down at home, and not permit any of their citizens deliberately to disturb the peace and harmony of the whole country. But he would not interfere here, in his place, as a Senator. He was not prepared to say how far the Post Office Committee could interfere with any other matter; but, so far as these incendiary publications go, to put an end to their transmission by the mail would be their duty and the | duty of Congress. Further than this he thought they could not go. Did the President recommend any thing beyond this? Gentlemen had talked about a new principle. He did not see any of the dangers which they seemed so much to dread, and he would rather see the subject in the hands of the Senators from the North. He was not disposed to add to an excitement already too great. Although he felt great confidence in the feeling of the Northern Senators, among the people, who had less favorable opportunities for judging, different opinions might sometimes prevail. These suspicions did not confine themselves to the ordinary body of the community, but had even found their way into executive communications; and they would all be satisfied when they saw those States, which ought to put down the excitement, taking measures do to so. Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH suggested that the Senate had gone into a discussion of the subject, when the only proposition before them related to the institution of an inquiry. The Senator from South Corolina had asked for a committee, not merely on a subject which was relevant to the duties of the Post Office Committee, but involving a question as to the constitutional powers of the Government. He should be sorry to do any thing which might be considered discourteous to the Post Office Committee. They were worthy of all confidence. But they did not come from the proper section of the country; and, as this was not a matter in relation to the Post Office, but concerning the power of Congress, he was disposed to prefer a special committee. When the gentleman from Massachusetts presented his resolutions to refer to the Committee on the Judiciary the subject of the transportation of the mails by the railroads, there was no objection intimated, and he hoped this motion would pass. Mr. LEIGH said, adverting to the occurrences of the past summer, it was natural, it was wise and right, that the President should make such a reference to the subject as he had made in his message. He understood that part of the message much as the Senator from Alabama did. He recommends the subject to Congress, but leaves them to say how far they can interfere through the Post Office. If it should turn out, as it will, to be impossible to act thus, it will be found that the Post Office Committee will have nothing to do with the subject. Mr. DAVIS stated that he was one of the members of the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads. He was not sure that more importance had not been attached to this subject than it deserved. When gentlemen had spoken of the powers of the Government, constitutional powers, and the course which this matter must take in reference to these powers, he was not able exactly to understand their views, for he had not ascer tained what they had in their minds when they said this was no matter for the consideration of the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads. Looking at the motion rather as a matter of courtesy than in any other light, he, for one, would be glad to have the subject away from the committee to which he belonged, and he [DEC. 21, 1835. would be glad to send it to a special committee, not because it struck him as not properly belonging to the Post Office Committee-for he rather thought it did belong to that committee, because if the Government had any power on the subject it must be through the Post Office-but because it was desired by the gentlemen from the South. He wished to present one other view, as to a matter which occurred in the other House, when he was a member of that branch; and, as it occurred several years ago, there was nothing disorderly in speaking of it. Great questions were at that time in agitation, deeply affecting the interests of that part of the country from which he came, and he then saw all the members of that section of the country constantly excluded from the committees to which these subjects were referred. He, and those associated with him, had then thought there was a little want of magnanimity and generosity in thus excluding from committees the gentlemen who represented a people that were most deeply interested in the subject. He viewed this as peculiarly a Southern interest, and was willing the gentlemen from that section of the country should present to the Senate their views; not that a naked question of constitutional power may not be as well understood in one portion of the country as another; but Southern gentlemen certainly best knew their own embarrassments in relation to this matter. When the subject comes here, gentlemen from other parts will no doubt do their duty fearlessly; but it seems not only courteous but parliamentary that those who are most vitally interested should first present us with their views. He would, therefore, cheerfully vote for a select committee. Mr. PRESTON suggested that there were other modes of arresting the evil than through the Post Office, and he had himself received a proposition and a bill, which had been drawn without touching the Post Office at all. It proposed that the depositing of an incendiary publication in the post office should be constituted an offence in the State where it took place, and the letting of it out of the post office should be equally deemed an offence where it occurred. This would leave the matter open between the Judiciary and the Post Office Committees; and ought it to be thus left open? This sugges tion he had made to show that the question might be affected by other laws than those of the Post Office. This was precisely a sectional question. They were thankful to the gentlemen from the North for the course they had taken, and respected and honored them for it; but he thought it was due to the South that they should have an examination, and that they should be permitted to present their precise views, and see what could be done to satisfy the public mind. Mr. EWING said that, as one of the members of the Post Office Committee, he was neither desirous to have, nor to avoid, the labor of this inquiry; nor should he consider himself in any way slighted by the transfer of this subject from one committee to another. He was satisfied that this part of the message should take the same course as if no standing committee had been appointed. Look at the organization of the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads: four of its members were from non-slaveholding States, and only one from a slaveholding State. As the subject was sectional, and affected Southern interests principally, there was a propriety in sending it to them for consideration. They best knew what was requisite to satisfy the public mind, and the people of the South could be more easily quieted by a report from them. Congress had been called upon by the public press in all quarters to act upon the subject. Who best knew how to effect the desirable object of satisfying the public expectation? The gen |