Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

soners of war being examined upon the allegations, it was admitted that the quantity of food allowed them was not more than two-thirds of that served out to the French, Spanish, and Dutch prisoners; but it was declared, that they had the same clothing now as at the beginning of their confinement.-Mr. Fox protested against the impolicy of this mode of treating the American prisoners; and asked-was it fit, prudent, or wise, that a distinction should be made in favour of the old inveterate enemies of the country, to the prejudice of those who had been, and he hoped would again be, fellow-subjects of the people of England ?-Lord North and the adherents of the ministry, on the contrary, contended that the distinction was immaterial; that the food was sufficient, and the clothing distributed quite in proportion to the actual need of it; that the men were in excellent health; and, in short, that the American prisoners of war had no real grievance to complain of, and, therefore, that the petition should be superseded by the order of the day. As the discussion proceeded it became animated, Mr. Fox declaring, that the world ought to know that an invidious distinction was made between the French prisoners, who were treated generously, and the Americans, who were cruelly oppressed, and half starved. He predicted, that the conduct he denounced would not only excite the indignation of Europe against Great Britain, but would also bring down the horrors of retaliation upon British subjects who were then prisoners in America. -Lord North ridiculed the ideas of European negotiation and American retaliation; and said, "that already the condition of British prisoners in America was truly deplorable;" asserting, also, that "the government had been told, more than once, by rebels in authority, that if it did not feed them, they might starve." A series of resolutions, declaratory of the propriety of the existing treatment of American prisoners in the gaols, &c., of Great Britain, was then agreed to by the house, and the condition of the prisoners, for a time, became more deplorable than ever.

When, after considerable delay, and with much difficulty, a general exchange of prisoners was effected, the wives and children of those who adhered to the American cause, were driven from their homes and exiled to Virginia, or crowded into the dwellings of Philadelphia. In the more

northern states, upwards of 1,000 persons were reduced to the necessity of existing upon the benevolence of their fellow-citizens. This severe treatment, on the part of the British authorities, naturally produced retaliation; and the families of those who had taken part with them, were, in turn, subjected to persecution. During the early part of the year 1781, the British were in force in the remotest settlements of South Carolina; but as the ground they occupied became contracted by the events of the war, such of the male inhabitants as had taken part with them, felt it necessary to retire with the royal troops towards the capital; and in retaliation for the expulsion of the wives and children of the Whig Americans from that state, Governor Rutledge. ordered the brigadiers of militia to send, within the British lines, the families of such of the inhabitants as had joined the royal army, or shown any active partizanship in favour of the royal authority. In consequence of this order, or rather of the one which provoked it, several hundreds of women and children were driven from their homes, and reduced to a state of the most pitiable distress.

It is not the slain, the wounded, or the disabled for life who are the chief victims of the savage and unhumanising influences of war; a fact painfully illustrated by the system of outrage and retaliation adopted on both sides in the war of independencea system which operated upon a class of society incapable of resistance, and innocent of offence, but whose very incapacity and innocence stimulated persecution; that, through both, the actual offenders on either side might be wounded. The horrors of war were thus aggravated, and feelings of unappeasable revenge superseded every better sentiment in the hearts of those who battled either for freedom or for dominion.

At New York, the male refugees who had cast themselves upon British protection, were formed into an association by Sir Henry Clinton, for the express purpose, in the first place, of retaliating on the Americans for acts of cruelty themselves alone had provoked; and secondly, that they might reimburse themselves by plunder for the losses they had, or pretended they had, sustained. The depredations and outrages perpetrated by these bands of authorised marauders, might fill a volume with details of crime and bloodshed; but the record would now be of little service, except to

some way or other, to serve the country, endure intolerable annoyances, and were also tended to aggravate the miseries inci- deprived not only of their property, but of dent to a state of civil war. In Europe, the solace of friendship in their adversity. where military operations are carried on by armies hired, or rather enlisted for the purpose, the bulk of the people are seldom partakers of the inconveniences attending war in its ordinary character; but, in America, where the whole people were enrolled as a militia, and when both sides endeavoured to strengthen themselves by oaths and by laws which awarded the penalties of treason upon all who aided or abetted the opposite party, the sufferings of individuals and of families were renewed as often as fortune shifted her standard. Thus each side claimed the hearty co-operation of the inhabitants, and was ready ever to punish those who withheld it. Where either party had a decided ascendancy, the main body of the people were comparatively undisturbed; but the intermediate space between the contending armies was subject to the alternate revenge of both.

Humanity shrinks from a recital of the calamities inflicted on the Whigs by the Tories, and by the Tories on the Whigs, during this protracted war; and it is perhaps remarkable, that, on both sides, the actors in this great drama, of the birth of empire consoled themselves for the atrocities they perpetrated, and for the evils they suffered when retaliation in turn overtook them, by a belief, and from a conviction, that they were acting and suffering in a good and holy cause. In the southern states, the distress of the prisoners became more remarkable as the war approached its termination. While Lieutenant-colonel Campbell, who reduced the town of Savannah, was still in command, he treated his prisoners with marked attention and kindness, although he had suffered much at the hands of the Americans. But his successors were men cast in a different mould; and the American prisoners taken at Savannah and at Brier Creek, were treated with great cruelty. With some few exceptions, the native prisoners had little cause of complaint until after the defeat of General Gates at Camden. Soon after that disaster, however, their treatment by the British commanders became harsh and irritating. Many of those entitled to the benefits of the capitulation of Charlestown, were separated from their families and sent into exile: others, in violation of the same solemn compact, were thrust into prison-ships, where they had to

It was not alone in America that the claims of humanity were ignored by the British authorities in their transactions with the prisoners of war, since the treatment of the latter, in the gaols of the United King dom, was such as to render it necessary to bring their condition to the notice of parliament. This was effected by a petition. from upwards of 200 American prisoners, confined in Mill-bay prison, at Plymouth, in behalf of themselves and others of their countrymen similarly situated. In this document (presented to the House of Commons on the 28th of June, 1781), it was stated, that under the peculiar nature and circumstances of the petitioners, committed to prison, they were debarred of the benefits and indulgences usually shown to all other prisoners and captives, particularly in their being then, and during the preceding winter, almost naked and barefooted, through the government having refused to supply them with clothing, as it had previously done; and were also aggrieved by being allowed only two-thirds, in proportion, of the bread daily served out to the prisoners of France, Spain, and Holland; the whole of the full allowance not being more than sufficient for one satisfactory repast for men deprived of every means of procuring other sustenance-a hardship from which, they stated, the prisoners of the three countries named were exempt, as they were allowed to provide themselves with food to supply any deficiency of their daily prison supplies, by purchasing provisions for themselves at an open market kept at the gate of the prison. The petitioners then stated, that the deficiencies of food, of which they complained, had for some time been made up to them, in part, by the contributions of benevolent people in Great Britain, who had raised sums of money for their relief, with out which they must have been famished. That such monies were then expended, and the petitioners were again reduced to their former miserable half-starved condition. They therefore implored that the protection of the House of Commons might be extended to them, and that orders might be issued for their relief. The petition was laid on the table, and ordered to be taken into consideration on the 29th of the month

On that day, accordingly, the matter was gone into; and the commissioners for pri

of the British authorities, naturally produced retaliation; and the families of those who had taken part with them, were, in turn, subjected to persecution. During the early part of the year 1781, the British were in force in the remotest settlements of South Carolina; but as the ground they occupied became contracted by the events of the war, such of the male inhabitants as had taken part with them, felt it necessary to retire with the royal troops towards the capital; and in retaliation for the expulsion of the wives and children of the Whig Americans from that state, Governor Rutledge ordered the brigadiers of militia to send, within the British lines, the families of such of the inhabitants as had joined the royal army, or shown any active partizanship in favour of the royal authority. In consequence of this order, or rather of the one which provoked it, several hundreds of women and children were driven from their homes, and reduced to a state of the most pitiable distress.

soners of war being examined upon the northern states, upwards of 1,000 persons allegations, it was admitted that the quan- were reduced to the necessity of existing tity of food allowed them was not more upon the benevolence of their fellow-citithan two-thirds of that served out to the zens. This severe treatment, on the part French, Spanish, and Dutch prisoners; but it was declared, that they had the same clothing now as at the beginning of their confinement.-Mr. Fox protested against the impolicy of this mode of treating the American prisoners; and asked-was it fit, prudent, or wise, that a distinction should be made in favour of the old inveterate enemies of the country, to the prejudice of those who had been, and he hoped would again be, fellow-subjects of the people of England ?-Lord North and the adherents of the ministry, on the contrary, contended that the distinction was immaterial; that the food was sufficient, and the clothing distributed quite in proportion to the actual need of it; that the men were in excellent health; and, in short, that the American prisoners of war had no real grievance to complain of, and, therefore, that the petition should be superseded by the order of the day. As the discussion proceeded it became animated, Mr. Fox declaring, that the world ought to know that an invidious distinction was made between the French prisoners, who were treated generously, and the Americans, who were cruelly oppressed, and half starved. He predicted, that the conduct he denounced would not only excite the indignation of Europe against Great Britain, but would also bring down the horrors of retaliation upon British subjects who were then prisoners in America. -Lord North ridiculed the ideas of European negotiation and American retaliation; and said, "that already the condition of British prisoners in America was truly deplorable;" asserting, also, that "the government had been told, more than once, by rebels in authority, that if it did not feed them, they might starve." A series of resolutions, declaratory of the propriety of the existing treatment of American prisoners in the gaols, &c., of Great Britain, was then agreed to by the house, and the condition of the prisoners, for a time, became more deplorable than ever.

When, after considerable delay, and with much difficulty, a general exchange of prisoners was effected, the wives and children of those who adhered to the American cause, were driven from their homes and exiled to Virginia, or crowded into the dwellings of Philadelphia. In the more

It is not the slain, the wounded, or the disabled for life who are the chief victims. of the savage and unhumanising influences of war; a fact painfully illustrated by the system of outrage and retaliation adopted on both sides in the war of independencea system which operated upon a class of society incapable of resistance, and innocent of offence, but whose very incapacity and innocence stimulated persecution; that, through both, the actual offenders on either side might be wounded. The horrors of war were thus aggravated, and feelings of unappeasable revenge superseded every better sentiment in the hearts of those who battled either for freedom or for dominion.

At New York, the male refugees who had cast themselves upon British protection, were formed into an association by Sir Henry Clinton, for the express purpose, in the first place, of retaliating on the Americans for acts of cruelty themselves alone had provoked; and secondly, that they might reimburse themselves by plunder for the losses they had, or pretended they had, sustained. The depredations and outrages perpetrated by these bands of authorised marauders, might fill a volume with details. of crime and bloodshed; but the record would now be of little service, except to

excite horror and disgust. The excesses of these brigands may be best illustrated by one fact, and its results. In the spring of 1782, the firmness of General Washington's character was exhibited, and his feelings tried, by circumstances connected with the cold-blooded murder of a Captain Huddy, under the following circumstances. This officer commanded a small body of troops at a post on Tom's River, in Monmouth County, New Jersey, where he was surprised by a party of refugees from New York, and, after a gallant defence, was made prisoner by them. The victors immediately conveyed their captive to New York, where he was committed to close confinement for fifteen days, and was then told "he was to be hanged." Four days after this announcement, the unfortunate gentleman was marched out by a party of refugees, under the command of one Captain Lippencot, and publicly hanged on the heights of Middleton, with a label affixed to his breast, to the following purport:-" We, the refugees, having long, with grief, beheld the cruel murders of our brethren, and finding nothing but such measures daily carrying into execution; we, therefore, determine not to suffer without taking vengeance for the numerous cruelties; and thus begin, and have made use of Captain Huddy as the first object to present to your view; and further determine to hang up man for man, while there is a refugee existing. Up goes Huddy for Philip White." This was a loyalist refugee, who had been taken by some Jersey militia, and was killed in a violent attempt to escape. The people residing in the vicinity of the scene of outrage, were exasperated by this act of wanton barbarity; and at their solicitation, General Foreman, who resided at Monmouth, obtained affidavits, and a proper statement of facts, which he laid before the American commissioners for negotiating an exchange of prisoners, and by them was referred to General Washington, at head-quarters, who immediately submitted the facts to the officers of the army, with the following letter:

"Head-quarters, 19th April, 1782. "To the general and field-officers of the army.The commander-in-chief submits the papers accompanying this, containing the case of Captain Joshua Huddy, lately hanged within the county of Monmouth, in New Jersey state, by a party of the enemy, to the consideration of the general officers of brigades and regiments; and thereupon requests from them, separately and in writing, a direct and laconic reply to the following queries:

"I. Upon the state of facts, in the above case,

is retaliation justifiable and expedient?

"II.-If justifiable, ought it to take place imme. diately, or should a previous representation be made to Sir Henry Clinton, and satisfaction demanded from him?

"III.-In case of representation and demand, who should be the person or persons to be required?

"IV-In case of refusal and retaliation becoming necessary, of what description shall the officer be, on whom it is to take place; and how shall he he designated for the purpose ?"

The officers to whom these questions were addressed were twenty-five in number, and they immediately assembled at the quarters of General Heath. The meeting was als› attended by Colonel Humphries and Colonel Trumbull, aides-de-camp of the commanderin-chief. Upon communicating to the officers the questions propounded, they were forbidden to hold any conversation or consultation in reference to them; but each was to give his answer in writing, to seal up his reply, and to transmit it direct to the commander-in-chief. The replies were found to be unanimous in the opinion that retaliation ought to take place; that it should be inflicted on an officer of the same rank as Captain Huddy; and that he should be selected by lot from the British officers of that rank then in the possession of congress as prisoners of war. Twenty-three of the officers assembled were of opinion that satisfaction ought, in the first place, to be demanded of Sir Henry Clinton; two only thought that action should be immediate.

Upon the perusal of these replies, Washington did not hesitate as to the course he should pursue, and immediately addressed a letter to Sir Henry Clinton, inclosing the representation of the inhabitants of the county of Monmouth, with proofs of the fact referred to, which he designated as "the most wanton, unprecedented, and inhuman murder that ever disgraced the arms of a civilised people." He then proceeded to say "I shall not trouble your excellency with any animadversions upon this occasion. Candour obliges me to be explicit. To save the innocent, I demand the guilty. Captain Lippencot, therefore, or the officer who commanded at the execution of Captain Huddy, must be given up; or if that officer was of inferior rank to him, so many of the perpetrators as will, according to the tariff of exchange, be an equivalent. To do this, will mark the justice of your excellency's character. In failure of it, I shall hold myself justifiable, in the eyes

of God and man, for the measures to which I shall resort. The subject requires frankness and decision; I have therefore to request your speedy determination, as my resolution is suspended but for your answer."*

On the 3rd of May, Washington communicated his intentions to Brigadiergeneral Hazen.

"Head-quarters, May 3, 1782. "Sir,-The enemy, persisting in that barbarous line of conduct which they have pursued during this war, have lately most inhumanly executed Captain Joshua Huddy, of the Jersey state troops, taken prisoner by them at a post on Tom's River; and, in consequence, I have written to the British commander-in-chief, that, unless the perpetrators of that horrid deed were delivered up, I should be under the disagreeable necessity of retaliating, as the only means left to put a stop to such inhuman proceedings. You will, therefore, immediately on receipt of this, designate by lot, for the above purpose, a British captain, who is an unconditional prisoner, if such a one is in your possession; if not, a lieutenant, prisoners at any of the posts either in Pennsylvania or Maryland. So soon as you have fixed on the person, you will send him, under a safe guard, to Philadelphia, where the minister of war will order a proper guard to receive and conduct him to the

under the same circumstances, from among the

place of his destination.

"For your information, respecting the officers who are prisoners in our possession, I have ordered the commissary of prisoners to furnish you with a list of them. I need not mention to you that every possible tenderness that is consistent with the security of him, should be shown to the person whose unfortunate lot it may be to suffer.-Yours, &c.

"GEORGE WASHINGTON." In a letter to the secretary of war, of the same date, inclosing a copy of that to General Hazen, the commander-in-chief directed, that as soon as the officer who might be designated as the sufferer by this act of retaliation, should arrive in Philadelphia, a sufficient escort, under a very discreet and vigilant officer, should be in readiness to receive and conduct him to the cantonments of the New Jersey troops, where final instructions would be given. General Washington then proceeded to say-" Keenly wounded as my feelings will be at the deplorable destiny of the unhappy victim, no gleam of hope can arise to him but from the conduct of the enemy themselves. This he may be permitted to communicate to the British commander-in-chief, in whose power alone it rests to avert the impending vengeance from the innocent, by executing it on the guilty. At the same time, it may be announced, that I will receive no appli

Upham's Life of Washington, vol. ii., p. 75. † Appointed commander-in-chief in America,

cation, nor answer any letter on the subject, which does not inform me that ample satisfaction is made for the death of Captain Huddy, on the perpetrators of that horrid deed."

Upon learning from General Hazen that no officer of the proper rank for retaliation was in his possession, General Washington directed that the selection should be made from the British captains who were prisoners either under capitulation or convention, and that no unnecessary delay should be suffered to intervene. The manner in which this portion of a distressing duty was performed, was described by Hazen as follows:-"I received your excellency's letters of the 3rd and 18th in the evening of the 25th inst. As I had to collect the British captains, prisoners of war at this place and Yorktown, it was ten o'clock this morning before I could assemble those gentlemen together. At the drawing of lots, which was done in the presence of Major Gordon, and all the British captains within the limits prescribed, the unfortunate lot has fallen on Captain Charles Asgill, of the guards, a young gentleman nineteen years of age, of most amiable character; the only son of Sir Charles honourable title; and of course he has Asgill, heir to an extensive fortune and an great interest in the British court and army. The British officers are highly enraged at the conduct of Sir Henry Clinton; they have solicited my leave to send an officer to New York on this occasion, or that I would intercede with the minister of war to grant it. Being fully convinced that no inconvenience could possibly arise to our cause from this indulgence, but, on the contrary, that good policy and humanity dictate the measure, I was pleased at the application, and with cheerfulness have recommended to the minister of war, to grant the Hon. Captain Ludlow, son to the Earl of Ludlow, leave to carry the representations of those unfortunate officers, who openly declare they have been deserted by their general, and given up to suffer for the sins of the guilty.'

Major Gordon, mentioned in the above extract, gave the following account of this fatal lottery of life, in a letter to Sir Guy Carleton: -"Lots were drawn by the captains of Lord Cornwallis's army, present here; and when the unfortunate chance fell upon the recall of Sir Henry Clinton in March, 1782.

« ZurückWeiter »