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This fituation of things pleased us extremely. We enjoyed the exercise of our religion in as free and ample a manner as we had done in the time of the French government: and we had the additional advantage of rewarding our priefis in the manner we thought proper, and in proportion to the merit of their behaviour towards us in the discharge of their parochial duties. You cannot surely think that the enjoyment of such a power over our priests as this was could be disagreeable to us. Whoever does think so is moft egregiously mistaken. But now your parliament (though, we are cold, it consists only of protestant members,) bas deprived us of this power, and forced us to pay our tythes to our priests (whether we are pleased with them or not,) to the uttermost farthing. And, however ill they may behave amongst us,--though they should be the most vicious fellows in their parishes, wholly given up to drunkenness and lewdness, debauching our wives and daughters, and neglecting the most important duties of their office, and behaving to us with the utmost contempt and insolence* ;-yet, when once it has pleased the bihop to appoint them to be our parish priests, we must, for the future pay them their tythes and other dues in the same manner as if their conduct had intitled them to our entire approbation. Now this is a duty imposed on us by the late act, which we shall certainly perform in these cases with great reluctance.--In short, as the former clause, which revives the French laws, seems calculated to bring us again under fer, vitude to our noblefie; so this oiher clause, which revives the 1 gal obligation of paying the priests their tythes, seems calculated to bring us under subjection to our priefis : and neither of these changes in our late easy and happy condition is considered by us as an advantage. Our noblesie, (those hungry cormorants, who are too proud to cultivate their lands, as we do, or to fol, low any useful trade for their fubfiftence, and too poor to live upon their fortunes,) may paturally enough rejoice at the lato act, as it opens to them a prospect of getting lucrative places under the government: and our parish priitts may like it for a similar reason. But we, the poor people, who are to be forced

pay the priests their tythes, and to furnish the taxes out of which the large fólaries of the great number of lucrative offices, that, we hear, are foon to be beftowed on some of our noblesse, are to arise, (for we cannot suppose that Great Britain will long continue to bear all chele unnecessary burthens on her revenue,) must take the liberty, of disliking it, and considering it as a juit subject of complaini. And even the very giving these places to our nobleffe, (if they are to be places of any trust and power, and not mere linecure places by way of disguise for pensions,} is an alarming event to us poor Canadians, independently of the taxes which, we fear, will be laid on us to provide the salaries of them ; because it will again furnish them with the means of

* Our autlior takes too much as granted here. Canadia clergy are, we hope, at least as immaculate in these respects as the clergy of other countries,

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oppressing and insulting us, as they did in the time of the French government;-a treatment we thall be little able to bear now after the mild and impartial administration of justice and moderate use of power which we have experienced from the English magiftrates, by whom we have been governed for these latt fifteen years. If these therefore are the favours of the British par-, liament, we hope they will for the future be very sparing of their acts of indulgence to us.--I believe you will agree with me that those sentiments are not ill-founded.'

The sentiments which the Frenchman is here made to express, he afterwards declares to be the sentiments of all the Canadians, except the very few persons who reap an immediate. benefit from the act, about two hundred, or at most three hundred, in the whole province. Thus then thought the Canadians of the act in question, if this author deferve credit, in July 1775 ;; what they at present think of it does not appear froin our author. Were ve to inforin our readers, it would not be to criticize the book before us, but to write another book.

The intention of palling this act we are confidently told was ' to please and humour the Canadians, and thereby dispose thein to become active inftruments in the hands of the crown to allift in the conquest of the other rebellious colonies. Indeed there is no other way, says the speaker, of accounting for the parliament's passing an act of so uncommon a nature, and so contrary to the most fundamental maxims of the British go. vernment.

This may not perhaps ftriatly be the truth.-To such an act the Canadians appear to have had a manifeft right. By the 27th article of the capitulation between general Amherit and the marquis de Vandreuil it is stipulated, that the free exern cise of the Roman religion shall subfift intire,' &c. By the second article of the definitive treaty of Paris, « his Britannic miajesty agrees to grant to the inhabitants of Canada the liberty of the Catholic religion,' The act seems rather to have been paffed with a view to the honour and the faith of the nation, than to the pleasure or the humour of the Canadians. As to the týiles, general Amherst properly said that they would'de. pend on the king's pleasure ;' and it has been properly said in a book *, which speaks at large of this aci, that the king's pleasure can be declared only there, where by this act it was declared-in parliament.

i We are by no means satisfied with the manner in which our author accounts for the refutal of the Canadians to join with

* Remarks on the principal Acts of the 13th Parliament of Great Britain,

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the English inhabitants of the province in petitioning for 4 continuance of the English laws.-It appears more specious than probable.

To argue of the effects which this act would have on the Canadians and the Americans in general-from the success which the rebel army afterwards found in Canada, is to do just what this author has done-to antedate a dialogue two years and a quarter ; and to make the speakers, by virtue of the second fight, acquainted with every thing which happened since; and to argue accordingly:

With other designs of ministry in palling this a&, our author appears to be perfectly acquainted, because • the famous Dr. Benjamin Franklyn declared it to be bis opinion, that mi, nistry entertained such designs. Here is more second fight.

The pretension of America, that parliament has no right to tax her, seems, it is well faid, “ favourable to liberty, but prejudicial to the unity of the British empire. For, if there is no common legislature whose power extends over all the dominions of the crown of Great Britain, those dominions can not properly be said to make'one flate, or great political commuñily, but are rather an affemblage of feveral separate states under the same king, or executive magistrate. This must produce a variety of counsels in the several parts of the British empire, which must tend very much to lessen the weight and influence they would have if they acted under one supream leo giflative head: ..

The distinction which our author makes between the impos sition of taxes for general purposes, and for provincial parposes, may be found to have its use. The former should, perhaps, be raifed only by the American affemblies.

To the old idea of American representation, which our au. thor has again brought forward, we cannot fo readily subfcribe ; notwithstanding his two speakers seem to have settled the mat. ter so completely. The argument in their hands appears liable to the same ridicule to which the witty writer they mention, Mr. Burke, found it open. But let us hear their own words.

. I am entirely of your opinion, that the other objections abovementioned to this measure of an American representation might be removed by some such easy precautions as those you above proposed, which I intirely approve. Indeed I am so much pleased with your notion, of chusing the Americans every year on a given day without the formality of the king's writ, that I could win' it were adopted in Great Britain itself, where it could be attended, in my opinion, with none but the most faJutary confequences. But that is an improvement of the contitution of that country which for reasons too long to be entered into at present, there is not the least ground to hope for. But thofe reasons do not relate to America, or at least, not so strongly as to Great-Britain : and therefore I should imagine a provision of this kind might be readily adopted with respect to the Ame. rican colonies, fupposing this measure of an American repre. fentation was ever to be inseriously undertaken. And, if it were adopted, I should suppose that some day in the middle of fummer, (as for example, Midsommer-day itself, that is, the twentyfourth of June, or the first of July, or the first of August,) would be the most proper for these American elections ; because that is the season of the year during which the English parliament is almost always in a itate of suspension and recess from publick business, which seldom begins before the middle of November, and often not till toward the end of January. Now, if the American members were to be elected on the twenty-fourth day of June, or the first of July, in every year, or even so late as the first of August, it is morally certain that they themselves, if they were in America at the time of their election, or, if they were then in England, their commilions to be the representatives of the colonies that had chosen them, or the instruments (wherever might be the form of them,) whereby their elections to parliament would be authentically notified, might always be in England before the first of November, or rather of the O&ober following. And to guard against the accidents to which voyages by sea are always liable, there might be two or three original draughts of the said commissions, or inftruments, all executed in the same manner, and confequently of equal authenticity, fent over to England at the same time by different ships, so that, if one or two of them were lost at sea, or taken by an enemy, yet another might ftill arrive in England in due time of suficient validity to authorize the person mentioned in it to take his feat in parliament. As for the members them. selves, they would probably for the most part be refident in England, at least after the first election to the office, (as the agents for the American colonies have usually been,) and if they gave satisfaction to their constituents, would be chosen over and over again by their respective colonies in their absence. And thus the dreadful danger of the French privateer that might intercept a whole fleet of these representatives, in their passage to England, which was painted in such lively colours by this witty writer, would be avoided.'

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If there would be a necessity to send over two or three original draughts of the said commissions or infiruments,' there must be the same neceflity for sending over duplicates of the members of parliament,

that if one or two of them were loft at sea, or iaken by an enemy, yet another might still arrive in England in due time.' Unless, like the extravagant tar, who took up three poft.chaises for himself and his hat and his stick, every member should send his boots in a pair of vefsels, and come himself in a ihird ; and it were determined that

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the boot of every American member of parliament should be of as much authority as Charles the XIIth threatened to make his boot.---However, if our author's ideas on this head be erroneous, they are at least delivered in an entertaining manner.

From the remaiks on the Boston charter a, which are difposed, here and there, in the dialogue, a reader will derive, if not conviction, at least, information. The writer's opinion of the general sentiments of America, is, perhaps, as juit as the opinion of an individual can ever be, which, with all pafible information, can never be precisely just.

What he says particularly about the province of Quebec seems to be proper, and to merit the attention of parliament.

! The first of these subjects, the lucrative employments under the government, which are enjoyed by persons relident in EngJand, and executed by deputies, has occafioned frequent complaints in this very province, and particularly amongit the Canadians. "How often have you heard your countrymen complain of the frais de justice, et du bureau du secrétaire de la province, and perhaps yourself joined with them in making these complaints? Now these are, in part the effects of the manner in which the ofiices of provoft-mas mal and fecretary of this province has been granted. In the year 1763, when a resolution was taken by the English minifters of state, to establish a civil government in this province of Quebec, by granting general Murray, (who at that time commanded in it, as the senior military officer on the spot,) a commission to be civil governoor of it; but before such commillion was received, or had even been parfed, and consequently before any courts of justice, or other offices of civil government, were erected there by virtue of it; his Majelty was pleased to grant a commission under the great seal of Great-Britain to an English gentleman of good citate in the county of Sussex, of the name of Nicholas Tur ner, (who had not the least intention of coming over to Canada,) to be provoll-marnal of the province of Canada ; for so this province is improperly called in this commiflion, though in the great commifion, of captain general and governour in chief granted to general Murray, and likewise in the famous royal proclamation of October, 1763, (in which the king declared his intention of erecting a civil government in this province,) it is called the province of Quebec. This commission was dated on the 23d of September, 1763 ; which was before the dates both of the faid 'commission of governour granted to Gen. Murray, and of the said royal proclamation. It was granted to this Mr. Turner for his life, with a power to execute it by one, or more, sufficient deputies, who should be resident in the pro. vince, and for whose faithful discharge of their duty he was to be answerable ; and with fuch fees, profits, and advantages as were enjoyed by any other provoft-marshal on the whole conti

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