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disdain. You enter our churches, and turn into the baseft ridi. cule, objects most facred. Yau have not even the discretion to keep silence, while we pay our palling obedience to the line of the Omnipotent. God himself is the sport and pastime of your leisure and laughter. Our citizens, artizans, women, children, as well as the bravest of our soldiers, come, at all convenient hours, to their devotion ; and, though they come without any compulsion, you call it hypocrisy. We lay before you our curiosities, and you despise them: we take many wrongs patiently: we allow largely to the impressions made by our fingularities, and then you ill treat us beyond bearing. Ah, ungenerous travellers ! Is it to laugh at your fellow-creatures, and scoff at your Creator, that you make such inroads upon us? Is such the motives that urges a young Englühman to mia grate? Is fuch the conduct of those who ought to be ihe pat. terns and examples of a free and noble country? You teach our traders to believe, that you value nothing so little as money, and yet you pretend to wonder, that they fix a price upon what you hold in the slightest estimation. If the favage is taught, by the more mechanical European, that the gun can do more execution than the bow-string, and at the same time, thews him how to pull the trigger, can you wonder if he directly puts his firft experiment in pra&ice imrnediately ? Fie upon it, gen:

tlemen. It is not doing jutlice either to one kingdom or to 1 another. It is not doing as you would be done by. Tell me, I befeech you, seriously tell me-

• Here the Franciscan raised his voice, extending his right arm, fixing himself more firmly on bis centre.

" At what time did you ever behold one of this country fo behave himfelf in Britain. He comes to your shore with eyes to fee, and heait to admire. He beholds large traetsoof your land in the highest frate of vigorous cultivation, and he thinks well of your peasantry by the sweat of whose brows, and the diligence of whose hands it is procured. He passes through your towns of bufiness, and is forcibly struck with the spirit of commerce which seems to be the genius of your climate. He infpects the various manufactories extended along the banks of your fruitful rivers, and conceives highly of your English ingenuity. He goes into the capital of the kingdom, and, if he draws at all the line of comparison betwixt the two great, cities of London and Paris, he draws it in favour of the former. He readily allows to it all that is due to superiority of uniform buildings, admirable accommodation for foot passengers, and for the convenience of ample streets, in which there is sufficient scope for trade and famion, ofr the car and for the




Coach. Gratified abundantly, he either fixes amongst you, or returns into his native country: if the former, it is not always what, it is said, you Englishmen imagine it to be, because he cannot live so well in France, but for more amiable reasons. If he returns, and, where is the man to whom fuch a return is not, sooner or later, desirable ? he brings not over with him any base ideas, that are unworthy to travel half a league in the heart of any man breathing, but he speaks of your nation as it were to be wished you would have the equity to speak of ours. What then, gentlemen, are we to suppose ? Are we to believe that only the flightest, lightest, and most fuperficial part of you addict yourselves to travel ? I should be forry to think that this were the case ; nay, my own experience tells me that it is not always fo.

• Here he took Amelia by the hand, and bowed to me with respea.

« This lady, and that gentleman (to go no farther) have given me no reason to believe they crossed the sea to despise, the Deity, or any of his poorer ministers, because, perhaps, there is some difference in the exterior ceremonies of a national devotion. Nay, I have seen other exceptions to a deplorable general rule, and those exceptions are the only things which fave England from the contempt, into which it would inevit. ably fall without them. Excuse my wrath, gentlemen. I have spoken as an injured man. I have spoken as a brother of the holy society, to whose use this church is allotted. I have spoken as the faithful servant of a Master, whose sacred image you have wantonly offended."

( With this noble climax, the offended Franciscan finished his exhortation and remonftrance. Never, surely, was there observed ten minutes (for he spoke with deliberation) of profounder silence.

The "author's remark on national prejudice, towards the conclusion of those travels, discover a laudable spirit of candour and impartiality.

Thefe volumes contain the effufions of a lively imagination, apparently well acquainted with those delicate sensibilities which mark the human heart in various characters. The au, thor expreffes a design of profecuting his remarks on the city of Paris, and as he continues to display Liberal Opinions, we doubt not of his affording once more entertainment to the publica

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The Canadian Freebolder : In Two Dialogues batzueen an English,

man and a Frenchman, fettled in Canada. Svo. vol. I. 51,6d,

Jewed. White. MANI

ANY of our readers wi'l be surprised to find an o&avo vos

lume announced to them of 483 pages, which is but the first volume of the work, containing only Remarks and Obfervations on the Quebec act, the Boston Charter act, and a kind of a Plan of Reconciliation between this Country and her Colonies. — Appeals have been made to the sword, some will ex. claim, and the sword' alone must decide. They, who thus exclaim, have no occafion to read this book; by them it was not, perhaps, designed to be read. There are otheč men, of enlarged and liberal ways of thinking, who will not find fault, perhaps, with the author of this book, though he may be, now and then, too profuse and verbose on such a worn out fub. ject. The intention, at least, appears to have been good: and, to say the truth, a man does not very often take the trou. ble to write a large book without meaning well.

As to the mode of conveying his sentiments which this all. 'thor has chosen, in the way of dialogue, we can only say thar, for our parts, we do not approve of it. If a man has fettled his opinion upon a subject, why not tell us openly and plainly what it is: To make an Englishmanland Frenchman hold a dialogue upon the question, may be a wise step for a politiciari, who means, perhaps, afterwards to change his opinion, but is not the mode of writing which a blont, downright, patriot

Mould adopt. After reading such a dialogue a man rery often understands little more than he collects from listening to a conversation in real life. For the most part, the whole he can conclude is, that much may be said on both sides. The aưthor, when he is afterwards accused of having maintained such particular doctrines, or advanced such particular arguments, very gravely tells you that he only put them into the mouth of his speaker for the sake of his dialogue.--All these objecions against this mode of writing are not immediately pointed at our present author, because they are not immediately applicable to his work; but, in our opinion, the dialogue style always displeases; in politics is, not only difagreeable, but frequently difhonest.

One other observation we fall make on this performance, before we enter upon its subje&t and its merit. The references to other writers, and there have been many on the same queftions, are too rare. Too rare, did we say? We can hardly VOL. XLIV. Nov, 1777,



find one.

Is it answered that references would render the improbability of a dialogue for so many hours ftill more glaring we can only reply, that we would have submitted to any improbability, rather than have used the arguments of others without acknowledging them--which, if this author has not done, he has, beyond contradiction, a happy facility of arguing exa&ly like other writers.

As to the improbability, nobody can believe that any two individuals would talk so long on luch subjeâs, unless mankind are fonder of talking in Cam nada than in any other part of the world. We cannot by any means repeat the politeness of the Frenchman at the end of the dialogue, notwithstanding the information which the dialogue certainly contains, that we are sorry we are obliged to part;' though we must needs confess with him, that it is high time to do so, as the day is so far spent.'

The reader must carry this remark along with him, that the dialogue is supposed to have passed as long ago as in July 1775 ; so that, if it give us a clear idea of the fentiments of the French, or Canadian, inhabitanis of the province of Quebec concerning the Quebec act, in July 1775, we are not to exped to find in it any account of what their sentiments are now, in the month of November 1777 ;-a further reason why this publication might perhaps have been spared without any injury to the cause of patriotism.

The three first speeches of the Englithman, with the Frenchman's answers to them, we learn from the preface are the fame in substance with what did really pass in a conversation of this kind. The second speech, and the answer to it, we shall transcribe-they contain the sum of what the author feems to think about the Quebeck act ; and will give our readers an idea of the style of the work, which is not inelegant, nor unadapted to dialogue.

Eng. Well, I cannot blame your reasoning: it is indeed but too well founded, But what say you to the clause which confirms your religion? Surely that muft please you.

French. We have no more reason to be pleased with that clause than the other. It is true, indeed that we are zealously attached to our religion, and should have been very unhappy if we had not been tolerated in the free exercise of it. But we were so tolerated to the utmost extent of our wishes before the late act of parliament. It was fipulated in the capitulation in September 1760, that the free exercise of our religion should Tubolt intire, so that all ranks and conditions of men, both in the towns and countries, might continue to assemble in the churches, and to frequent the sacraments as heretofore, without being molested in any manner, directly or indirectly. And this was readily granted to us by our humane conqueror, general


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Amherst. But when the marquis de Vaudreuil, our general, demanded further, that we should be obliged, by the English government, to pay to our priests the tythes, and all the taxes which we were used to pay under the government of our fora mer sovereign, general Amherst (who did not think it neceffarý to perpetuate our religion by a compulsive provision for the priests who teach it,) very wisely refused to grant this second request, and made answer, that the obligation of paying the tithes 10 ibe priests would depend on the king's pleasure. In consequence of this answer, we have understood that we were not to be obliged by the English government to pay the priests their tythes, until the king should declare it to be his pleasure that we should pay them; or, in other words, we thought that the legal right of our priests to demand them, and sue for them in a court of juftice, was suspended till his majefty's pleasure should be declared for revival of it, and no such declaration had been made be. fore the late act of parliament. These points of the capitulation have been strictly observed on all hands, ever fince they were settled till the present time, that is, for a space of fifteen, years. We have enjoyed the free exercise of our religion in the highest degree possible. We have had our priests to officiate to us both publickly and privately, in the fame open and unre, ftrained manner as under the French government: and we have afsembled in our churches and frequented the facraments in the same manner as heretofore, as the article of the capitulation abovementioned demanded for us the liberty of doing and nof one of our churches in the whole province has been taken from us for the use of the protestants. This degree of justice and honour in the English government, with respect to the observa, tion of this important article of the capitulation, has at once astonished and delighted us. And the other point, concerning che tythes, has been likewise constantly observed; infomuch that our priests have not presumed to fue for their tythes in any of the courts of justice in the province ever since the establish. ment of che civil government, being conscious that they could not maintain a legal right to them on account of the faid anfwer of general Amherst to the fecond request abovementioned. Yet, as we are fincere and zealous in the belief of our religion, we have usually paid them to the priests that did the duty of our parishes, though we knew we could not be compelled to it : and few complaints have been made against us for our neglect of them in this particular; especially where we have been fatisfied with their conduct, both with respect to the decency and regularity of their lives, and to the diligent discharge of the duties of the pastoral office. In these cases we have always throughout the province made a liberal provision for the priests who adminiftred to us the offices of our religion : and we have found that the liberty, we have had of paying them the tythes, or letting it alone, as we thought fit, has contributed very much to make chem behave in such a manner as to deserve them. A a 2


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