Imagens da página
PDF
ePub

B

Means, to guard against. We should fully. Sir, I am apt to believe, that not then have to deal with Iberia aour agreeing to the prefent Motion lone, Sir; we should foon fee Blefuf- would go a great Length towards givcu entering her Claims likewife; I am ing his Majelty fuch an Impreffion of not fure but our good Allies the Bel- our Conduct. He has inform'd us, gians might, in fuch a Cafe, endea that a Convention has been enter'd invour to obtain fome Conceffions to the A to with Iberia; he has told us, it is Prejudice of Great Lilliput: For, a Convention for fettling all Matters in give me Leave to fay, Sir, that the Difpute betwixt Iberia and us in fuch Union that has always fubfifted be- a Manner, as may, for the future, twixt the Court and the Senate of Lil prevent and remove all new Causes of put, fince the Acceffion of the pre. Complaint, by an Obfervance of mufent Illuftrious Family to this Throne, tual Treaties, and a juft Regard to has been the Means of our enjoying the Rights and Privileges belonging to many Advantages in Commerce, un- each other. He has likewife informrival'd, and uncomplain'd of, by our ed us, that the Convention fhall be Neighbours: And Gentlemen ought laid before us. If we fhould agree to to be the more cautious how they give the prefent Motion, Sir, in what ManOccafion for our Neighbours fo much ner fhall we requite his Majefty's Royas to fufpect any Difference betwixt C al Endeavours for the Interests of this his Majefty and the Senate, when they Empire? if, before we have come to areflect that there never was a Time ny Refolation about this Convention, when any Difference happen'd betwixt before we have deliberated whether it them, in which our Neighbours did is, or is not, for the Advantage of the not do all in their Power to improve Empire, we fall to examine into the fuch Difference to their own Advan- Papers and Inftructions that have, in D tage. order to bring it about, pafs'd betwixt his Majefty's Minifters, and thofe of Iberia? Nothing, Sir, can be a more prepofterous Way of proceeding. It is telling his Majefty, that we won't regard the Merits of the Convention by E itfelf; we will be determin'd in the Judgment we shall form of it, according as we are pleas'd or difpleas'd with the Conduct of your Ministers, previous to its being concluded. Sir, give me Leave to fay, that when this House deliberates upon approving, or not approving, any Measure, we are to confider that Measure as it ftands by itself; if we find it in itself to be a good Measure, we are to approve of it, and we are not to regard its Connection with any other Circumftance. If G we were to fuppofe, Sir, that this Convention, which will be confider'd în a Day or two, has been brought about by the most abandon'd Set of Men in the World, yet if we find it to be for the Good of the Empire, we are not to enquire into, and cenfure, the

I have infenfibly fallen again into the Confideration of Foreign Affairs; but, Sir, every Domeftic Incident that happens in the State of Lilliput has fuch an Influence upon our Foreign Situation, that it is almoft impoffible to feparate the Confideration of the one from the other. There is, indeed, one Confequence which is entirely Do. meftic, that may attend our agreeing to the prefent Motion, and that is, Sir, the Opinion which fuch an Addrefs might give his Majefty of the Wisdom and Moderation of this House. His Majefty, Sir, has always, in every public Tranfaction of his Reign, confider'd the Senate as his great Council; he has advis'd with us, he has paid a juft Regard to our Sentiments, and has inform'd us of every material Tranfaction of his Reign. Now, Sir, if we don't, on our Parts, anfwer thefe gra. cious Difpofitions; if we don't act within our own Sphere; his Majelty has great Reafon to think, that we re H

[ocr errors]

reasonable Method of proceeding, and they refer; and it frequently happens, the Way in which this Houfe has al- that Preliminaries contain the Subways proceeded in fuch Cafes, is to ftance of all that follows after; and examine the Measure itself; and if it is found to be a destructive Measure, only to extend the Stipulations, and that the fubfequent Negociations are let us petition his Majefty to have all give them a more authentic Sanctithe Papers relating to it laid before us, on: Tho' I am not to fuppofe, Sir, that we may inflict a fuitable Cenfure that this is the Cafe with the Convenupon the Advifers and Managers of tion, yet no Gentleman, who has fuch a Step: But if we find it a good look'd into it, but muft fee that, tho Measure, I don't fee what we could propofe to ourselves, by calling for ait is not indeed a Definitive Treaty ny Papers previous to it, unless it were B a Definitive Treaty is to proceed, have yet all the material Points, upon which to let his Majefty fee, that we are refolv'd to fish for Faults, and to take been adjusted betwixt the Minifters of the Two Crowns by this Convention: upon ourselves a Power unknown to Therefore, Sir, the Inftructions that our Conftitution. I shall suppose, have pafs'd betwixt our Court and that Sir, that we are now to agree to this Motion; what might be the Con- may very reasonably be prefum'd to of Iberia, relating to the Convention, fequence? I am afraid, Sir, with re- relate likewife to the fubfequent Defigard to his Majefty, it would be rather worfe. For if we fhould call for thefe nitive Treaty. Papers, his Majefty may very justly conclude, that, being confcious we could find no Fault with the Convention by itself, we were refolv'd, rather than not find Fault, to fall upon his Ministers for what they had done before it was concluded. This, Sir, give me Leave to fay, might, with very good Reafon, be look'd upon by the Crown as a very great Piece of Disrespect, and be refented by a Denial, which, I am sure, would be very disagreeable to his Majefty, however juft it would be in itself.

c

every Gentleman be fenfible that, by This being the Cafe, Sir, must not agreeing to the prefent Motion, we call for Papers relating to a NegotiaDtion that is fill in Dependance, and thereby affume to ourselves a Right by no means belonging to this Houfe? We ing and of cenfuring the Conduct of affume to ourselves a Right of directhis Majesty's Minifters upon a Meafure that is not yet concluded; in fhort, we affume to ourselves a Right that is already lodg'd in the Royal Hands; in Hands, Sir, that have been always fo far from making a bad Ufe of it, that this Houfe has always been Sharers in that Part of the Prerogative.

muft, by every Gentleman who judges My Oppofition to this Motion, Sir, impartially, be look'd upon as proceeding from no Conscioufnels of their being any thing amifs in the Papers to caufe, if we fhould find the Convention be addrefs'd for by this Motion; beG to be a Measure against the Honour and Intereft of this Empire, there is ftill Room for us to go into this Addrefs.

I hope the House is fenfible, from what I have faid, that it is by no means advisable for us, as yet, to comply with the present Motion; but I fhall beg Leave only to add a very few Things to what I have already faid: It has always been the Rule of this House, never to call for Papers relating to a Negociation, while that Negociation is in Dependance. I know, Sir, Gentlemen will confider the Convention as a Negociation entirely feparate from the Definitive Treaty that is fuppos'd to follow it; but I must humbly differ from thofe Gentlemen. All Preliminaries, Sir, H muft, in their own Nature, have a Relation to the Negociations to which

The Remainder of this SPEECH, and
this Account of PROCEEDINGS
and DEBATES, will be continued

in o'r nere

A

t

whom, by reafon of the great Distance of their, feveral Countries, they could not well hold cor, refpondence; and, in regard of Age and Time, had equal Advantages and Opportunities with him, confidered as a meer Man (without any ex-, traordinary Affiftance of Providence) of inventing and establishing new Laws, Ceremonies, and

Continuation of the Differtation begun in our laff
(See p. 432) Whether the Hebrews borrow'd
any Customs from the Heathens, &c.
IF it can be proved, that Heathens liv'd before
the Ifraelites, and had the Advantage, thro'
Priority of Time, of being the Inventors,
and firft Ufers of many Things, particularly
of Temples and Religious Customs, before the
Birth of Mofes: Then the Tabernacle fet up by
Mofes in the Wilderness could not be the first
Structure erected in the World for the Purpofes
of Religion; nor could the Heathers take from
bence the firft Hint for building of Temples.
Books of Antiquity give us fome Account of
Kings and other great Perfons, who built Temples B
in the first Ages after the Flood; to which it,
we give Credit, 'tis probable, if not certain,
that Temples were in Being before the Taberna-
cle. I confefs it is not agreed among ancient
Writers who he really was that erected the first
Templey but then feveral have been hanı'd for
the original Authors, which gives a strong Pre-
fumption that there really was fuch a Thing. C
Some have afcrib'd it to Ninus, King of Afly-
ria fome to Phoroneus, King of Argos or
Greece; fome to Cecrops, an Egyptian, who
brought a Colony into Attica, and reign'd King
of Arbens; fome to Cadmus, King of that
Thebes which himself had built; fome to Da-
ndus, a King of Argos, who came from Ægypt
into Greece, and built a Temple to Apolia; fome D
to Bacchus (if he was not the fame Ninus) and
fome to others of the primitive Princes and He-
Iroes. As to Phoroners in particular, it is re-
corded of him, that he was the Son of Inachus,
the firft King of Argos, and fucceeded his Fa-
ther in that Kingdom; that he was a Native of
Egypt, for at least had travelled thither for Im-
provement) and upon his removing thence into E
Greece, and introducing good Laws and Man-
ners, civiliz'd the People there, and was the
rft Perfon in the World, who built an Altar
to the Goddess Juno, and alfo a Temple. We
read of his Son, Daughter, Brother, and Grand-
child, and fomething of his Wars, though Wri-
'ters vary in their Opinions about them. Now,
as to the Age of this Phoroneus, it appears by F
the Chronological Tables, that he was living
above two hundred and twenty Years before
Mofes, and fo could not leasn the building of a
Temple from him. On the contrary, abftracting
from divine Revelation, Mofes, both in regard
of the Order of Time and Place, of his Nativi-
ty, might have taken the Hint of a Holy Tent,
or Travelling Temple, fuch as the Tabernacle G
may be call'd, from the Example of Pharoneus,
his Ancestor, in fome Senfe, and Countryman,
of whom fome famous Memory and Monuments
of this Nature might remain in Erypt at the
Time of his Departure. He might alfo have
learnt fomething of this Nature from the well-
known Cuftoms and publick Buildings of the
reft of the Natives among whom he had been H
born and bred. Some of the other Temple Ar-
chitects, or Founders abovementioned, lived
alfo before Mofes, and even the lateft of them
are fuppofed to have been at leaft his Contempora-
Da vat täita ma

Cuftoms of their own.

Tho', according to the Mofaic Hiftory, the whole Earth was gradually peopled foon after the Deluge by the three Sons of Neah, yet might not fome of their Posterity miferably corrupt and pervert thofe good Manners, and that true Worship, which had been tranfmitted down to them from the pure Life and Converfation of the Poft-Diluvian Fathers? Might they not quickly grow deprav'd, devifing new idolatrous Methods of Worship And, that really there were many Heathens and Idolaters in feveral Parts of & World long before the Time of Mofes, appears from the early Degeneracy of the Pofterity of Hami or Cham

1

For, upon that general Difperfion of Neab's Family, which follow'd the Confufion of Tongues, Mifraim, the fecond Son of Ham, remov'd into Egypt, where he planted a Colony, and is believ'd to be the very fame Perlon with Menes, who (as the Egyptians told Herodotus) was the firft King that reigned upon Earth. Now the Pofterity of this Mifraim are faid to be the first, who in that Part of the World took to Idolatry, calling their Father Ham by the Name of Jupiter Hammon. And from them we may fuppofe that Phoroneus (if he was an Egyptian, as 'tis probable he was) and the other Egyptian Princes before-mention'd, with their Modes of Worship, were defcended.

As this happen'd fome Centuries before the Inftitution of the Jewish Religion and State; fo, as Mofes grew up, he must certainly obferve many Inhabitants of his native Country, who were not profeffed Hebreeus, to be zealous and devout Idolaters, and (as I have faid) might borrow from them a few Ways and Cuftoms, not impious in themselves, nor inconfiftent with Laws and Directions given by the fupreme Majefty. For it is not likely, that in giving a reveal'd Religion, and founding a theocratical State, the fupreme Majefty would condefcend to order every minute Punctilio and Article of Government. It is alfo vifible enough, by the frequent Revolts of the Hebrews in the Wilderness, and their longing to return into Egypt, that they had been tainted with the Corruption of the Place; and therefore that there might have been fufficient Reafon for invefting their Governor with a difcretionary Power and Liberty of enacting of repealing inferior Laws upon every Emergence, as thould ap pear beft for the Safety and Happiness of the People.

If we turn our Eyes back again upon the Land of Shinar, from whence we came, we fhall find that Nimred, otherwife called Belus, the Grandfon of Ham by Cub his eldeft Son, did not travel far with his dependant Families, as his Uncle Mifram nad done; but tarried at home, and feed me that very Spot, or near it,

A

Here he fet up a Dominion, making Babel his Metropolis and principal Seat, building many confiderable Cities, and increafing in Wealth and Power, till by Degrees he became abfolute Lord and Prince of Allyria, with all the contiguous Provinces, and fo laid the Foundation of the Babylonian Monarchy. But (to fee the natural Folly, Depravity, Perverfenefs, or Pride of Man expos'd in this other Branch of impious Ham's Family) no fooner was his Son Ninus poflefs'd of the Empire, but he commenc'd the Author of Idolatry, and Afferter of falfe Gods. For, out of a miftaken vicious Love for his deceas'd Father, he endeavour'd to render the Name of "Nimrod immortal, by caufing a Statue of him to be worshipp'd with divine Honour and Reve- B rence, and by erecting a magnificent Temple for that Purpole at Babylon, which he dedicated with Variety of Sacrifices. Here then was the Beginning of Heathen Idolatry in this Part of the Globe. This was done fo early as about the two thousandth Year of the World, and near the End of Noah's Life; that is, no lefs than between 2 and 300 Years before the Nativity of Mofes. A Time long enough to establish and propagate ethnic and idolatrous Customs all over the Empire, and long before his Appearance.

ple of Canaan, and in procefs of Time ufing Fa-, miliarity, and making Marriages with them, or elfe living in their Neighbourhood, and holding Correfpondence and Traffick, by Degrees came to be infected with the Poifon of Idolatry. For their fubfequent History informs us of their ftrong and frequent Inclinations to it, and that a little before their Babylonian Captivity they were fo deeply immers'd in that Error, as publickly to adore the Idols of Syria, Paleftine, and the adjacent Nations.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

[To be continued.]"

HE following Prefcription of the Cele T ⚫brated Meffieurs Berbarue and Ofterdyke, for Cure of Gout, has been tried with fo much Succefs by a Gentleman who was afflifted with that Diftemper from the Age of Fifteen to upwards of Forty, and is now, as he hopes, perfectly cured of it, and is returning (with all proper Caution) to his ufual (temperate) Manner of living; and has befides done fo much Good to feveral others to whom the SaClutary Regimen has been communicated, that 'he thinks he cannot do a more acceptable Ser'vice to the Public, nor make a better Acknow'ledgement for the Benefit he has received by it, than to publish the fame for the General Good of his Fellow-Creatures. And tho' he cannot anfwer for it, that it may have the fame hap 'py Effects on every Conftitution that it has had with him, yet he doubts not that the In nocence of the Method prefcribed, and the dif interested Manner in which he offers it to the Public, will be a fufficient Juftification of his good Intentions, and a better Recommendation of its Genuineness and Efficacy, than any Thing he can fay farther on this Subject.

Neither do I think that Sem's Generation, the best Branch of this Family, preferv'd itself pure and uncorrupted for many Ages downwards. For, upon the fame univerfal Separation, Heber, from whom the Hebrews were proud to derive D their Name, and who was but of the fourth Generation after the Flood, fettled his Son Peleg, with his Colony of Domefticks and Relations in Palestine, which they held till dispossessed by the Canaanites. And I conceive it could not be a very long Tract of Time before that happened, because when Abraham, who was but of the fifth Generation after Peleg, (in whofe Time the great E and remarkable Divifion happen'd) came with his Nephew Lot into that Country, the Canaamite was then in the Land. Now it hath been generally thought, that Abraham himself, tho' a Defcendant from Sem, was born and bred an Idolater, becaufe his Father Terab was one, being by Profeffion a Statuary, and Maker of Idols; and that Abraham was not converted to the true F Worship of the Creator till about the 48th Year of his Age. This perhaps might be about the Time when he was remov'd by his Father out of Ur of the Chaldees, and fettled in the Country of Haran. Here he buried his Father, and in the 75th Year of his Age received the divine Command to go into the Land of Canaan, when that Race of People, who had given it that Name, G were dwelling there. From the Death of Abram, or Abraham, to the Birth of Mofes, the Chronological Tables compute about 250 Years. These Canaanites I alfo take to be idolatrous Heathens, because they were the Pofterity of Cham, a Generation of Men, who, like their wicked and difobedient Progenitor, feem'd naturally averfe from true and fincere Piety, and are reprefented Adverfaries to the Hebreus for religious as well as civil Reafons. According to which Suppofition, we find them many Years afterwards worshipping a Variety of Gods and Goddeffes. And it is probable that fome of thafe Hebrews, either by mixing with the Peo

H

Profeffors BOERHAAVE and OSTER DYKE'S
Regimen preferibed for the Gout.

TH

HEY are of Opinion, That the Gout is not to be cured by any other Means but a Milk-Diet, which will in twelve Months time alter the whole Mafs of Blood; and in order thereto, the following Directions must be strictly obferv'd and follow'd:

I. You must not tafte any Liquor, only a Mixture of one third Milk and two thirds Wa→ ter; your Milk as new as you can get, and fo drink it as often as you have occafion for it, without adding any other to it. A little Tea and Coffee is likewife permitted, with Milk.

II. In a Morning as foon as awake, and the Stomach has made a Digeftion, you must drink eight Ounces of Spring-Water, and faft two Hours after; then eat Milk and Bread, MilkPottage, or Tea with Milk, with a little Bread and fresh Butter.

III. At Dinner you must not eat any thing but what is made of Barley, Oats, Rice, or Millet-Seed, Carrots, Potatoes, Turnips, Spinage, Beans, Peafe, r. You may likewife eat Fruit, when full ripe, baked Pears or Apples, Apple-Dumplings, but above all, Milk and Bisket is very good, but nothing falt or four, not even a Seville-Orange.

IV. At Supper you must cat nothing but Milk ,and Bread,

[ocr errors]

V. It is neceffary to go to Bed betimes, even before nine o'clock, to accuftom yourself to fleep much, and use yourself to it.

VI. Every Morning before you rife, to have your Feet, Legs, Arms and Hands, well rubb'd Pieces of woollen Cloth, for half an Hour, and the fame going to Bed. This Article must be Strictly obferved, for by this Means the Hu- A mours, Knobs, and Bunches will be diffipated, and prevent their fixing in the Joints, by which they become ufeless.

VII. You must accuftom yourself to Exercife, as riding on Horse-back, which is beft, or in a Coach, Chaife, &c. the more the better; but take Care of the cold Weather, Winds, and Rain.

Laftly, In cafe a Fit of the Gout should return, and be violent, which they are of Opinion will not, then a little Dofe of Opium, or Laudanum, may be taken to compofe you; but no oftner than Neceffity requires. They are of Opinion, that your Father or Mother having the Gout, is of no Confequence, if you will refolve to follow the foregoing Directions.

SIR,

H

B

C

[Aving heard feveral object against the Calculation of Mr Whitefield's Hearers in your laft Magazine, and that only because they, with you, thought 9 Perfons were more than could poffibly ftand in a Yard Square; I have D fent you the following Lines in Vindication thereof, hoping you'll do me the Favour to infert them in your next.

That the People ftand as clofe together as they poffibly can, when hearing Mr Whitefield (efpe cially in Moor-Fields, where no Coaches can come) I believe none that ever came fo near to him, as to hear him diftinctly, will deny. For my part, I have been fo prefs'd, when near 30 Yards Diflance from him, that I have not been able to ftir. This, Sir, must be very far from ftanding like Soldiers in close Order; and therefore, I doubt not, but it may easily be prov'd, that more than 4; that 9 Perfons, of a moderate Size, may ftand in a Yard Square.

We gave our Readers the Heads of the King of Spain's REASONS for not paying the 95,000 l. in our laft, published at the Hague (See p. 437); bat as the Manifefto at length is of fuch Importance, they will, we believe, not think it tedi

[blocks in formation]

O

The KING.

UR Defire not to difturb the Tranquillity

of Europe, and to maintain our Subjects in Peace, has, for fome Time paft, put us upon doing Violence, in fome Measure, to the Nicety of our Honour, and the Advantages of our Interefts.

England, difquieted with domeftic Divifions, has urg'd her Complaints with fuch Obftinacy, tho' perhaps confcious how little they are founded on Juftice, that if our fincere Difpofition had not found more Weight in the forementioned Confiderations than in her Inftances, thefe Difputes might, long ago, have proceeded to a fatal Rupture, not without powerful Motives on our Behalf. The Proof of this is plain from the Anfwers given to her Officers, and our condefcending to their Propofals, fo far as to admit the Regulation made at London of the refpective Demands, not regarding the exorbitant raifing her Prices, nor the lowering of our own, with a View only to obtain Peace on the tolerable Condition of diffembling this Advantage in favour of E that Crown. The rest of the Negotiation, on our Part, was anfwerable to fo noble a Sincerity.

The Miniftry at London reckoned our Claims on the Affiento Company into the Payment we were to make; and tho' we might have taken Advantage of the Company's Refufal to pay the fame, in order to make Alterations in the other Articles agreed upon, the fame MiniFry knows that we fent Orders to Don Thomas Geraldine, our Minifter Plenipotentiary at that Court, to take up at Intereft the 95,000 1. that what had been promifed might not reft unpaid.

In a Square Yard 9 equal Circles touching, but not cutting each other, may be defcrib'd, whofe Circumferences will be each 3 Feet, and almoft 2 Inches; therefore 9 Perfons of that Bignefs may ftand in it: And it must be granted by all (I think) that a Person 3 Feet, and almoft 2 inches about, is not below the middle Size. But here, perhaps, it may be objected, that Men are not exactly round, and therefore this can be nothing to the Purpofe. To which G I anfwer, If 3 Men (of the Size before-menti. on'd) ftanding Side by Side, fhould fomewhat exceed a Yard; 3 Men ftanding before one another, would fall as much fhort of it: And thus (by the 5th Prop. of the 2d Book of Euclid) 9 would ftand in lefs Space than a Yard Square. If after all I have faid, there are any, to whom this does not appear to be a plain Demonftration, H fuch may be fully fatisfy'd, by drawing a Square

As foon as the Convention was figned at the Pardo, and ratified at London, We, prompted by our Good Faith, ordered our Squadrons to be difarm'd, fent the ftipulated Directions to Florida, and perform'd all that was incumbent on us. But England has acted a very contrary Part: for having doubtless repented recalling Admiral Haddock's Squadron from the Mediterranean, it was ordered to be station'd at Gibraltar, as a much fitter Place for accomplishing the Defign which, in all Appearance, was even then in Agitation, and has fince been difcovered; and at the farrie

Time no Orders at all were fent to Carolina. The
British King fupported the Tranfactions of the
Company, as an Engagement of his Crown,

et Concention they were re

« AnteriorContinuar »