If Happiness in the other World be, pinion, but contrary to Nature and Rea with refpect to us, the Reward of Virtue fon) pray for the Death of every bapand Goodness in this State of Probation; tized Infant? For however good Men what Ground is there to fuppofe, that particular Infants might poffibly live to be, this Reward fhall be bestowed on thofe and whatever greater Degrees they might who are incapable of fuch Qualities? thereby attain, yet (if you take the curThere are, indeed, a peculiar Sort of Di. vines, who will foon untie, or rather cut, rent Opinion of Divines about the CrookA ednefs of Human Nature, the Difficulty the Knot, by denying the Merit of Vir- of being faved, and the fmall Number, tue in any Senfe; and methinks they in Comparison, that shall be fo;) the fhould, to be confiftent with themselves, Hazard is ten to one on the Negative : abolith the Ufe of the Word Reward too: And therefore no prudent and good PaWith these Virtue and Morality are nei- rent, of this Opinion, could confiftently ther in Whole, or in Part, the Caufe or with his Child to live beyond its Infancy, Ground of future Rewards, but certain B where the Peril, on the one Hand, is fo abfolute and arbitrary Decrees of God: great if it fhould; and the Certainty of To fuch, therefore, I do not move the Happiness so real, on the other Hand, if it Question. Others again, more reafonafhould not. ble, allow the Necefity of Virtue in general towards being happy hereafter, but yet afcribe the fame Efficacy to the Rite of Baptifm towards the Acceptance of Infants, and fpeak very doubtfully of thofe that die without it; or, if they have any good Hopes, it is of the Children of regenerate Parents.

Eut, without fome plain Reafon or Scripture to the contrary, this, I think, proves itfelf, That all Infants, baptized or not; the Children of regenerate Pa-D rents, or of wicked Chriftians, and igno⚫ rant Heathens; are all in the fame Condition, and the fame Relation to God. For Baptifm is not a Charm to put a Difference betweeen the Condition of one Infant and another with respect to God, where there is no Concurrence of the Will to make an Obedience to the Command acceptable or rewardable; neither to convey faving Grace to fuch a Being, if faving Grace be any thing that requires Reafon and Understanding to operate upon. Nor can being the Child of a regenerate Parent alter its Condition as an Infant, or make it more rewardable than the former; fince this would infer a Su pererogation of Merit in fuch Parents; and is therefore the very fame Abfurdity we fo juftly condemn in the Church of Rome. Nor, faftly, do Infant Children of any Parents, Heathen, Jewish, or Mahometan, differ, in a moral Senfe, from any of the former in the Better or Worfe; becaufe they are neither better nor worse, for being what they themselves are no Caufe of; nor are they, in ftrict Propriety, either Heathen, Jewish, or Mahometan, or indeed any thing that replies religious Distinction.

But if there were, indeed, any such Efficacy in Baptifm, as to entitle an Infant to a happy Immortality, why fhould not all Parents, (confiftently with this O.

I fhall take Leave, therefore, to conclude, from what hath been faid above, that Baptism can make no Difference be tween Infants or others by any proper Ef ficacy, any Ways annex'd to it, without fome antecedent Qualification in the Baptized, to make him or them more capable of a Benefit from a moral and good God.

I would still then enquire, what be comes of Infants after Death; and what Grounds there are to expect they fhall be Partakers of the Happiness of the Life to

come?

The State of an Infant is, as to its Perfection, below that of many Brute Animals. They are not so much as confcious, when born into the World, of their own Existence; how then can they be fuppofed qualified, upon their E Removal out of the World, for the Enjoyment of a Condition, which, both Reafon and Revelation teach us, is the Reward of Tryal and Probation, and a diftinguishing of rational Creatures with the Favour of God, for fomething by them done worthy of his Approbation, who is the wife and moral Governor of the Universe. To fuppofe that almighty F God does beftow his Favour on them, who never came to be moral Subjects of his Government, but died without any Notices of Virtue, or any thing else, most commonly by the general Laws of NaG without Reafons and Motives, and withture, is to fuppofe Almighty God to act out Regard to the Natures of Things. It is to fuppofe him, not fo much the Allferter of Virtue and Morality, as a hupowerful and impartial Patron and Af Regard to any Thing befides mere Will. mourous Difpofer of Things: without

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Submiffion to those who have more fully I would therefore propose (with great confidered the Matter) whether it be not the most probable Hypothefis, that the Souls of Intants (if they have any) either tranfmigrate

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tranfmigrate into other Bodies again, to undergo that Probation which is the Ground of God's Pleafure or Difpleasure, and of future Rewards and Punishments? Or that they are annihilated upon their Separation from the Body? I faid, If they have any Souls; becaufe it is much to be doubted whether they have or not, fince nothing like an Argument can (I think) be offered for the Support of the Affirmative. But tho' they have fuch Souls as are naturally immortal, that however does not yet prove that in Event they fhall B be fo. For there must be fome Reason for God's continuing them in Being; and if that Reason be, a Difpofition in him to make them immortally happy, ab. ftractedly from all moral Qualifications; I would then ask, why the fame Immortality and Happiness is denied to Brutes, fome of which plainly act by a Principle above the Laws of mere Matter and Mechanifm, and confequently are naturally immortal? Or why any Man fhall be finally punished; fince, if God can reward at all, where there is a Want of virtuous Qualifications in the Rewarded, he may dif penfe his Rewards to all Men however qualified? To conclude I fhould be glad to hear Reafon on this Subje&, and am ready to be convinced of an Er CLEOMENES.

ror.

March 21, 1738-9.

Common Dense, March 31. N° 113. Honeft Mr Common Sense, Take you to be a Sailor's Friend, becaufe you often ftand by us, like a true Heart, in a Storm; and if you'll be fo kind to fet my Grievances down in Print, as you did my Brother *Mainmast's, fhould I ever come Yard Arm and Yard Arm with Jack Spaniard, you fhall have a Don's Nofe (which would be a great Rarity now-a-days) to hang up in your Clofer, or he fhall have my Ears to fend for a Prefent to the Court End of the Town.

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might have about eight Hairs over Heads that had nothing in them: We ask'd several of them for yon, but the Devil a one of them was acquainted with Common Senfe. So Sampson went to a Man that fold all Manner of Books, and ask'd him, what Ship all thefe Fair-wea ther Sparks belong'd to? Hufh, fays the Bookman, fpeak foftly; and then he whisper'd, and told him, they were all Place-Men. With that we began to fmoak him, and knew they were Sir Whatd'ye-call-um's Fools. As Sam and I fcorn to keep fuch Company, we went about Ship, flood upon t'other Tack, and fo made Sail to Wapping again, from whence I make bold to write you thefe few Lines concerning my Condition, which is much the fame with that of a thousand brave Seamen now a starving on Account of bad Ufage from you know whom.

I belong'd to the good Ship cal'd, the Suffex India Man, which was left finking at Sea, and after many Hardfhips, during almost a two Years Voyage, and without any Profpect of Wages for my Labour, at laft arriv'd in the Channel, with that only Comfort left, of feeing Old England and my poor distress'd Family once more; but, to my Sorrow, was no fooner come into & Downs, than hurry'd aboard of a Man of War, deftitute of Cloaths and all Manner of Neceffaries, E where I had still some View of keeping my little Ones from ftarving, by the Credit I might have among my Neighbours, as being in a King's Ship; and they as well as I no fmall Expectations, from my having an Opportunity of being up with Jack for his Spanish Tricks, in plunder. ing and abufing our Brother Sailors. Yet this Hope likewife fail'd me; for, by a Thing with a bad Name (a Convention I think they call it) after I had only been three Months Aboard, I was turn'd adrift, and that in the Dead of Winter, as were fome thousands of us: But had we had our Will, we would have made a better and more honourable Convention than your Don Ben-, or any Fair. Weather Fellow that ever came out of Lynn.

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* See p. 29. You must know, my Mefs Mate Samp- G fon and I took a Trip the other Day down to Westminster, thinking to find you, -We kept a good Lock-out all the Way, at length we came to a great Hall, as long as a Firft-Rate from Stem to Stern, at the End of which there was a Gang-Way, which we mounted up, and then there was a Place like a Quarter Deck; here we walk'd, fore and aft, as long as a Ship with a fair Wind might run three or four Knots; there we fpied feveral Fellows in laced Jackets, with Bags that would hold a Peck of Burgów

Now, Mr Common Senfe, you must know, as no Voyage then offer'd, Trade being at a Stand, I was fo reduced I had not a brown Bisket to eat, fo am oblig'd to take Paffage for a Foreign Country, H where I hope to meet with better Luck than I have done thefe ten Years by past in the Service of my own; for, in that Time, I have been twice taken by the Spaniards, four Times prefs'd on Board Mes

Old Common Dense, March 31. No 1124
A new Way of extending the Excife Laws.
SIR,
Scotland, Dec. 18, 1738.

Find you and the Craftfman have fpoke of the Extenfion of Excife Laws, and the Increase of Excife Officers, as a moft terrible Thing: But our Commiffioners of the Customs have lately thought fit to give a Commiffion to every clever Supervisor, or common Officer of Excife, conftituting them likewife a Kind of independent Officers of the Customs; and thefe laft, you know, have, or, at leaft, exercife fome Powers upon all the Subjects of the Kingdom indifferently, under colour of Law, which the Officers of Excife, as fuch, have not; in particular, that of fearching any Houfe, Shop, Cellar, &c. at pleasure, without any other C Warrant than their Writ of Affift, and a Constable, in the Day-time; whofe Attendance, in many Places of this Country, he may have for Sixpence a Day.

my to the Convention-if, finding fome of thefe Caterpillars crawling up the Sunnyfide of it, (for a Sunny-fide it certainly hath) I fhould p-fs them off, and ftamp them under my Feet.

I fhall chiefly keep my Eye upon 1. The GRAND QUESTION, whether WAR, or no WAR, &c. 2. Popular Prejudices_against the CONVENTION, &c. examin'd and anfwer'd, &c. 3. The CONVENTI ON vindicated, &c.

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Thefe three Pamphlets being equally filly, impudent, and falfe, it may be fairly concluded they all come from the fame Quarter. Different Hands might be em- B ploy'd to write; but the fame Head and Heart furnifh'd the Materials. The infinite Number of them, diftributed gratis thro' the Kingdom, fhews that however weak the Patron of them may be in his Intellects, he is ftrong enough in his Purfe. But tho' fuch Profufion would be almoft fufficient to exhaust a Treasury; yet as it is not done at my Expence, nor I hope at the Expence of the Publick, I fhall only fay, that the Pay-mafter might have laid out his Money much better, and done the Convention more Honour, if, instead of fetting these Scribblers to work, he had generoully added this Money to the 155,000l. to be given our suffering Merchants; which, with the Charge of the Commiffiaries, would have amounted to a confiderable Sum.

I fhall begin with a few Remarks on the Grand Queftionist.

Speaking of the Refolutions of laft Seffion of Parliament, p. 6; the Queftion then is, fays he, was this right or not? And here fure I may be allow'd to fay "it was right Advice, because it was the Advice of Parliament.'-I cannot agree with him, concerning the Infallibility of Parliaments. But as to this Advice, let him fay, in plain Terms, that it being wife and right so to do, the Parliament came into fuch and fuch Refolutions. Then let him prove that, in forming the Con vention, thofe Refolutions were strictly obferv'd; by which he will do Juftice to the Refolutions, and Credit to the Convention.

He obliges us, p. 8, with a wonderful Secret; viz. that fighting pitch'd Bat'tles in the Field, or engaging in a great Fight at Sea, are very different Things 'from Battles fought over a Dijh of Tea,

their Spirits a little, by drubbing their Enemies over their Cups. Thefe Tongue Battles will do the Nation as much Service, and at a much lefs Expence, than all the Mock-Engagements of Hyde Park and Hounslow-Heath.

He then tells us, p. 8. that the prefent "State of Affairs in Europe, and that of our natural Allies, makes a War more than ordinarily difadvantageous to us. For the Emperor hath his Hands full; and if he had not, he is too poor to 'affift us. So are the States of Holland, who are Sufferers by the Spaniards as well as we, but dare not think of Hofti'lities; and as for the Northern Crowns, they are gain'd over by large annual Subfidies to France, who is fo closely 'unired with Spain, that if we go to "War with one, we must with both.'

But here I beg Leave to put a few Interrogatories to the Grand Questionist himself. 1. Who concerted the Hanover Alliance, in Oppofition to the Treaty of Vienna between the Emperor and Spain, to the manifeft Advantage of France, as every Body forefaw, except a few Buz zards and Beetles in Politicks? 2. Who, not many Years ago, contributed with D France in Subfidies to the Northern Powers? 3. Who hath made up Differences between France and Spain, and enter'd into Engagements with both against the Emperor? 4. Who ftood neuter, when the Emperor was attack'd by France and Spain, in Pursuance of these Measures, tho' contrary to other Engagements? And is it not probable that a little Affiftance of Money would have put the Emperor into a Condition of defending himself in Italy, and preferving Lorrain? 5. Who was it, all this Time, that kept up a very expenfive Land. Force at home, without making any Use of it? 6. What are the AdF vantages, that England hath made, by avoiding a War? How much of the national Debt hath been paid off, during our pacifick Measures; and what Taxes have been leffen'd?

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Glafs of Wine; as all know, who are the leaft acquainted with History'What a fhrewd Obferver muft this Au- H ther be! But if we are never to have any real Battles, I think it very hard to reBrain a warlike People from keeping up

This ingenious Author having intimidated us with the Power of France, and her Alliance with Spain, afterwards makes Spain alone beat us to Picces-I will endeavour to give the Force of his Arguments in a few Words.

1. There is not a Bridge over the Ocean. 2. Horfes can't ford the Bay of Biscay. 3. The Spanish Forts are in their own Poffeffion. Whence he concludes, that we cannot think of carrying on a Land War against Spain; but p. 15, he asks whether Spain may not attempt a Land War upon us?-The Author, being a very fa

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P. 24, He comes to his Treaty, which he manages full as artfully as he did the War- "How, fays he, is War to have 'an End? Why certainly by a Treaty of Peace. A Treaty then, of one Kind or other, fome Time or other, must be 'made'- -Will not this Argument ferve as well to justify the Treaty of Utrecht, the Treaty of Hanover, or any other Treaty, that ever hath, or shall be made? G-Nay, I think it full as good an Argument for the Author directly to hang himself, as it is for the prefent Convention, by only changing the Words War for Life, and Treaty for Death, and I make no Doubt that more People will concur with me than with him-It will run thus:

From hence he carries the War into America; but fends a light clean Frigate to give Notice of the Approach of our Fleet; fo all the Plate is taken out of their Ships, and we can do Nothing but burn the Hulks; nay, we cannot do even that, because they may be drawn up into Ports. As to ftopping their Return to Europe, Have we forgot, fays he, the Clamours, on Account of the Squadron lying at the Baftimentos, in the Year 1726, as if our Men and Ships were ruin'd H by it? -The Amount of this Argument, I think, is as follows; that becaufe Admiral Hofier was oblig'd to remain inactive, in a fickly Seafon, and an inwholefome Station, our Ships and Men