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and in foreign lands to make observations of various kinds which may enlarge the range of his thoughts. He will at times have occasion to summon to his aid the facts brought to light by many sciences and to acquaint himself with many a lesson to the world recorded on the pages of history. Useful and noble should the science of legislation be esteemed to be by American citizens. Upon it one may almost say all other sciences depend to a great extent for their life and cherishment. In the statesman's hands are sometimes placed the safeguards of life, of liberty, of letters, as well as of the useful arts and sciences.

Jefferson believed that the best interests of the world especially demanded that America should be possessed of able statesmen. He believed that the golden age of American destiny was not in the past but in the future. He believed that European governments should not be allowed, under any pretence, to acquire territory on the American continent or to acquire any islands which lie off its coasts. He realized that a wise American policy should be carried out by which English, and not European languages, would spread over the American continent--a policy which would make it unnecessary for the people of America to maintain large standing armies and which would make the likelihood of war breaking out between the new and the old world very much less than would be the case if unwise artificial barriers between parts of America-some of them under the domination of European governments-were allowed to exist-barriers which would give rise to border-difficulties and mar the bright vision, which the people of the United States should cherish, of a continent consecrated to civil liberty and to a wise constitutional self-government. He looked upon permanent national debts with abhorrence. He felt that

republics should rid themselves of national debts as soon as practicable,—indeed he believed that one generation should not fetter another with debt. He realized that if the citizens of a commonwealth wish to enjoy certain advantages they should raise money needed to successfully carry out their wishes and that every member of a community should cheerfully bear his share of necessary public expenses. A nation at times has its power, its wealth and happiness increased in the degree in which taxes are wisely imposed and justly collected. It often thus receives far more than an equivalent for its sacrifices. When a nation has a debt it not only has to pay a stated interest on its debt,-which of itself may be to a no inconsiderable extent a drain upon its resources even in ordinary times, to say nothing of critical periods in its history, but it has to pay what may be called a second percentage by paying an army of officials to collect the revenues out of which to pay the interest, which it cannot help sometimes doing in a way vexatious and costly to the people. There was a particular reason which made Jefferson hope that American statesmen would endeavor to protect the United States from being heavily burdened with debt. He had a cherished hope that the time would come when the United States Government would be enabled to afford to systematically raise a revenue to be collected by duties

on imported luxuries, for the express purpose of pro-X moting the interests of education throughout the length and breadth of the Republic. When he himself was President of the United States he had signed bills giving millions of acres of land to the cause of public schools and of colleges, but he keenly felt-as will be noticed in another division of this volume-that the national gov ernment should yearly and on a systematic and judicious

plan help every section of the Republic to provide for the intellectual culture of youth. He would have no American have any excuse for growing up illiterate, and he would have no one allowed to vote who could not read. He was wont to cherish a plan of government by which every community was, in a large measure, within a certain sphere, to govern itself. He justly regarded, however, such a subject as that of education in a great republic to be of national concern no less truly than of local interest. Grand indeed were some of Jefferson's hopes for his country's future. No wonder that he wished American youth blessed with opportunities to do so to study the philosophy of government and to qualify themselves to help to enable the Republic of the Western Hemisphere to realize in times of peace and of war its grandest and noblest possibilities!

That the American statesmen who were Jefferson's contemporaries were remarkable for their wisdom respecting civil liberty will doubtless be conceded by even many Europeans. They welcomed well-written books on the philosophy of self-government. Thanks to the considerate and very valuable gifts of some Puritan friends in England, the library of Harvard College was especially rich in such a class of literature. The English BaptistPuritan, Thomas Hollis, who made many valuable gifts to Harvard College, wrote feelingly to Mr. Mayhew, saying: "More books especially on government are going for New England. Should these go safe it is hoped that no principal books on that first subject will be wanting in Harvard College, from the days of Moses to these times." During the war of Independence it was customary for the legislature of Massachusetts to annually invite one of the clergymen of the Commonwealth to preach a discourse to them. These sermons have recently been

wisely published in book form and are a very valuable contribution to the interpretation of passages in the Bible on government. They point out the duty, and the limit to the obligation, of citizens of a commonwealth to obey rulers. One could wish that even in this day such a book could find its way into the hands of every thoughtful lover of liberty. Among the patriots of the Revolutionary period there was a widespread feeling that in a republic it was of high importance that youth should have broad and right views respecting the philosophy of government. As one especially likes to be enabled to hear such worthies express for themselves their views respecting such a subject, it may be proper to here pause for a moment to duly note some of them. Washington, who notwithstanding his many occupations found time to act for years as the Chancellor of the University of William and Mary, very earnestly urged upon the Republic the importance of teaching youth the science of government. In the last Annual Message which he, as President of the United States, delivered to Congress, after recommending the founding of a great national university in the city of Washington, he added: “A primary object of such a national institution should be, the education of our youth in the science of government. In a republic, what species of knowledge can be equally important, and what duty more pressing, on its legislature, than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who are to be the future guardians of the liberties of the country." When Washington's will was opened it was found that after making provision for several institutions of learning, and pointing out how he wished a part of his estate to be devoted to aiding a national university, if Congress should decide to found such a centre of learning, he especially spoke of the valuable

opportunity it would afford to youth to acquire, as he expressed it, "knowledge in the principles of politics and good government." This recommendation of Washington to provide for a great national university which would have a department in which to help to rear learned American statesmen was twice repeated by James Madi

son.

As early as Jan. 1st, 1769, the learned Benjamin Franklin had written to Lord Kames, saying: "I am glad to find you are turning your thoughts to political subjects, and particularly to those of money, taxes, manufacture and commerce. The world is yet much in the dark on these important points; and many mischievous mistakes are continually made in the management of them. Most of our acts of Parliament, for regulating them, arc, in my opinion, little better than political blunders, owing to ignorance of the science, or to the designs of crafty men, who mislead the legislature, proposing something under the specious appearance of public good, while the real aim is to sacrifice that to their private interest. I hope a good deal of light may be thrown on these subjects by your sagacity and acuteness.' Such reflections as these by Franklin were practical and earnest. In 1777, John Jay, who at that dark period of American history was Chief-Justice of the State of New York, at the first sitting of the court at Kingston after the adoption of the first Constitution of the United States or Colonies, in a charge to a grand-jury, said: "But let it be remembered that whatever marks of wisdom, experience, and patriotism there may be in your constitution, yet, like the beautiful symmetry, the just proportions, and elegant forms of our first parents before their Maker breathed into them the breath of life, it is yet to be animated, and till then, may indeed excite

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