reward. I was the younger son of a wealthy man; your lordship knows him my marriage alienated his affection, and my brother withdrew his love, and left me to sorrow and penury. A month since, my brother died a bachelor, and intestate. What was his, is become mine; and by your astonishing goodness, I am now at once the most penitent, the most grateful, and happiest of my species."

Thomas Sharp, the father of Granville, was the youngest son of the archbishop, and in 1772, became the archdeacon of Northumberland, in which station he fully exemplified the virtues of his predecessor. Granville Sharp was the last of five sons, all of whom were distinguished for their private worth and public benevolence. In the year 1750, he left Durham school, where he had acquired the first rudiments of the learned languages, and was bound apprentice to a Quaker by the name of Halsey, a linen draper of London; who, dying in 1753, he remained under the same indentures, with Mr. Halsey's executer, H. Willoughby, Esq. a Presbyterian. In the subsequent year, he went into the employ of Bourk, (a Roman Catholic) & Co. Irish factors in cheapside. To these circumstances, his own reflecting mind has given unexpected interest. By being thus intimately acquainted with individuals differing so widely in their religious views, he was "taught (to use his own language) to make a proper distinction between the OPINIONS of men and their PERSONS." "The former," he observes, "I can freely condemn, without presuming to judge the individuals themselves. Thus freedom of argument is preserved, as well as Christian charity, leaving personal judgment to Him to whom alone it belongs."

A series of controversies, first with a Socinian and afterwards with a Jew, induced him to apply his mind with great ardour to the study of the Greek and Hebrew languages, and his diligence was not less remarkable than his success. Instances are recorded of the manifestation of his benevolence during these early years.

In 1757, Mr. Sharp lost his mother, and after visiting and assisting his family, he returned to London with two of his sisters, and abandoning his former business, obtained a subordinate appointment in the ordnance office.

Until 1764, he continued in the discharge of his official duties, acquiring, during his hours of leisure, that accurate knowledge of the sacred languages, by which he was finally so much distinguished. He was then appointed clerk in ordinary, and removed to the Minuting Branch.

It was about this time that his attention was first directed to the sufferings of the African race. Little did he imagine then, when accidentally called upon to relieve an indigent and miserable fellow-creature, that he was commencing, under the "excitement of mercy," a series of efforts that would require of him a profound knowledge of law,-"which would be in opposition to the decisions of the highest courts of judicature," overthrow the influence of authoritative, but unjust opinions, and finally establish the glorious truth, that by the English Constitution, every human being that treads upon the soil of Britain is FREE. The first African protected by Granville Sharp was Jonathan Strong. This man had been a slave in Barbadoes, and being brought to England, was cruelly treated by his master, and when considered useless from the injuries received, he was abandoned in the streets. By the kind services of Dr. William Sharp, the brother of Granville, he recovered, and when discovered by his master, was claimed as a slave. In order to meet the charge brought against him and his brother for their interference in behalf of this poor slave, Granville applied himself for more than two years to the study of English law; consulted the best written and living authorities, and finally published a tract proving beyond controversy, that the right of slavery in England could not be sustained. Copies of this publication he sent to Judge Blackstone, (with whom he had had a previous interview little to his satisfaction) to the Lord archbishop of Canterbury, and ether eminent individuals, accompanying them, in several instances, with private letters, expressing, with that candor and conscientiousness, which ever marked his actions, his deep sense of the duty of the English nation to protect the natural rights of strangers, in the spirit of their noble constitution. Two other cases, very similar to that of Strong, soon after occurred; those of Hylas and Lewis, which resulted in their deliverance, but did not settle the great question concerning the liberty or slavery of African servants brought by their masters into England. When the jury pronounced the verdict of acquittal in the case of Lewis, Lord Mansfield observed, "You will see more in the question than you see at present. It is no matter mooting it now; but if you look into it, there is more than by accident you are acquainted with. There are a great many opinions given upon it; I am aware of many of them; put perhaps it is much better it should

never be finally discussed or settled. I don't know what the consequence may be, if the masters were to lose their property by bringing their slaves to England. I hope it never will be finally discussed; for I would have all masters think them free, and all negroes think they were not, because then they would both behave better.

It is manifest, that during these several trials, the opinions of the most enlightened jurists in reference to the rights of negroes introduced as slaves into England, were in a fluctuating state; and Lord Mansfield himself, appeared reluctant to express an opinion on the subject. The case of James Somerset, however, came on before the court of the King's Bench in 1772. This negro had been brought as a slave into England by Mr. Charles Stewart, of Virginia, in 1769. Mr. Sharp employed every means in his power which seemed likely to contribute to what he deemed a righteous and prosperous result, yet his modesty and knowledge of human nature, induced him to conceal himself as far as possible from the public, and to avoid every thing which might irritate a judge, already, as he believed, prepossessed against his attempt. At the opening of the cause, Lord Mansfield apprised the counsel of Somerset, "that if it should come fairly to the general question, whatever the opinion of the court might be, even if they were all agreed on one side or the other, the subject was of so general and extensive concern, that, from the nature of the question, he should certainly take the opinion of the Judges upon it." The cause was argued with great ability by the counsel for Somerset, but the unsettled opinions of Lord Mansfield, induced him to adjourn the matter to a second hearing, which afforded Mr. Sharp further time to extend his inquiries, and to adopt such measures as might tend to render the decision permanently beneficial, should it be in accordance with his judgment. He addressed a letter to Lord North, marked with the respect due to the first minister of the Kingdom, and that candour and boldness which became a christian. He spoke of the duty of immediately redressing the grievances of the servants in the Colonies, and added, "I say immediate redress, because, to be in power and to neglect (as life is very uncertain) even a day, in endeavouring to put a stop to such monstrous injustice, and abandoned wickedness, must necessarily endanger a man's eternal welfare, be he ever so great in temporal dignity and office." The pleadings in

favour of Somerset were again heard, and the decision again postponed. On the 14th of May, 1772, the cause was brought up for final consideration. Great talent, learning and eloquence, were displayed on both sides, on this memorable occasion. Lord Mansfield abstained from giving judgment on the same day, and appeared still to hesitate about deciding the general question. Judgment, however, was pronounced on the 22d of June, when Lord Mansfield, in concluding his opinion, said, "there is no necessity to refer the question to the twelve judges. Immemorial usage preserves a positive law, after the occasion or accident which gave rise to it, has been forgotten; and tracing the subject to natural principles, the claim of slavery never can be supported. The power claimed never was in use here, or acknowledged by the law. Upon the whole, we cannot say the cause returned is sufficient by the law; and therefore the man must be discharged." Thus was terminated the controversy between the Chief Justice of the King's Bench and Granville Sharp, establishing a principle most honorable to the English Constitution, and of immense consequence to the cause of justice, humanity and virtue. The judgment thus pronounced has established the following axiom: as soon as any slave sets his foot on English ground, he becomes free.

Ladies' Society for the Education of Negro Children.

We copy from the last number of the Christian Observer, the account below of an association of ladies in England, for the education and improvement of coloured children in the West Indies. And why may not societies of a similar character be formed in our country? That it is our solemn duty to afford more generally than is done at present, religious instructions to our coloured people, appears to us, one of the most obvious truths in the world. We have a national Bible Society. We send Missionaries to our Indian tribes-to Palestine-to the islands of the South sea, to Ceylon and Burmah, while almost two millions of slaves, supporting us by their labour, meeting us at every corner, scattered over nearly half our territory, are looked upon

with coldness, and passed by as without a title to the knowledge and benefits of our Religion. It is time for the churches in the United States, to exhibit more impartiality and consistency, and to cultivate with greater care their own fields, while they are planting at so great expense the "good seed” in distant lauds. The Clergy, especially, should lay this subject to heart. We will also express the hope, that the christian ladies amongst us, whose hearts are most susceptible of kind impressions, and who seldom yield to discouragements in the discharge of any duty, will give a portion of their time, their influence, and their ef forts to this Heavenly work.

We have in our possession a large mass of interesting papers and publications connected with the proceedings of Anti-slavery Societies, and the present condition of the slaves and people of colour in our West-India islands: some of the most important extracts from which we hope in future numbers to lay before our readers. For the present, we must content ourselves with announcing the formation of a Ladies' Society for promoting the early education and improvement of the children of negroes, and of people of colour, in those colonies. The Society is under the patronage of a number of benevolent ladies of high rank and distinction, and we trust it may be of service, if not in its more direct efforts for the objects of its humane care, at least in exciting an additional interest in the minds of the British public, especially among persons of influence, in behalf of the most degraded and oppressed portion of the human race; more degraded and oppressed in the nineteenth century of the Christian era, under professedly Christian masters, the subjects of the British crown, and enjoying themselves the ample liberties of Britons, than were the helots of Sparta, or the slaves of Rome, in far less enlightened ages, and under the obdurate institutions of Pagan despotism. It is well that our countrywomen should zealously pledge themselves to the prosecution of the important object of educating the children of the slaves and coloured population, who, in a vast majority of instances, are scarcely more regarded as fit objects for mental culture than brute animals reared for the market or the plough. And if the benevolent individuals who patronize this object should not find our plantations generally open to their exertions, and not be able to establish efficient schools for the education of a future race of well-instructed, well-ordered, Christian labourers, but from the present unhappy condition of West-India society, should find obstacles to impede their efforts, the difficulty will at least afford a new argument to prove the necessity for the authoritative interference of the mother country to place our colonial system on a more wise and liberal and humane basis. The following is the Society's address:

'The Society now announced originated in a conviction, that while much has been effected for the benefit of heathen nations, there yet remains thousands of human beings, who are spending their strength to supply us with

Vol. II.

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