trustees resolved firmly not to concur with what they thought unjust, took away the charter by which no law could be passed without our consent.*

*It is an interesting fact, that the most worthy and industrious settlers in Georgia, were entirely opposed to the introduction of slavery into the Colony. The indulgences granted to the Carolinians, increased the discontent of those "who having been not only useless members, but burthensome to society at home, determined to be equally so abroad, and as they generally, had nothing to lose, they were resolved obstinately to persist in their demands, until their wishes were satisfied or the Colony ruined. Their idleness and dissipation prevailed to such a formidable degree, that the people were on the verge of starvation. The object of the trustees was to compel them to labor, and their object was to live without labour." The trustees required nothing from the people, but what they had bound themselves by covenant to perform. "The Germans and Highlanders, having been brought up in habits of industry, yielded to a fulfilment of their contracts for the public good, and under a full confidence that the trustees would in due time extend to them such privileges as would eventually lead to their interest and happiness.”

From the petitions of the Highlanders, we give the following extract :

To his Excellency James Oglethorpe.

We are informed that our neighbors of Savannah, have petitioned your Excellency for the liberty of having slaves: We hope and earnestly intreat that before such proposals are hearkened to, your Excellency will consider our situation, and of what dangerous and bad consequences, such liberty would be to us for many reasons.

First, The nearness of the Spaniards, who have proclaimed freedom to all slaves, who run away from their masters, makes it impossible for us to keep them without more labor in watching, than we would be at to do their work.

Second, We are laborious, and know a white man may be, by a year more usefully employed than a negro.

Third, We are not rich, and becoming debtors for slaves, in case of their running away, or dying, would inevitably ruin the poor master and he become a greater slave to the negro merchant, than the slave he bought could be to him.

Fourth, It would oblige us to keep a guard of duty at least as severe as when we expected a daily invasion; and if that were the case how miserable would it be for us and our wives and children, an enemy without, and a more dangerous one in our bosom.

The fifth objection stated, was the moral wrong of the proposed measure.

From the memorial of the Germans we give the following extract. "Though it is here a hotter climate than our native country is, yet not so extremely hot as we were told on the first time of our arrival; but since we have now been used to the country, we find it tolerable, and for working people convenient, setting themselves to work early in the morning, till ten o'clock, and in the afternoon, from three to sunset; and having business at

As you will find me in the history of those times, you will find me also in the present list of the army; and when you come to town, I shall be very glad to see you in Grosvenor street, where I live in London, as I do here in the country.

You mention an argument urged by Hume, that the Africans were incapable of liberty, and that no man capable of government was ever produced by Africa. What a historian! He must never have heard of Shishak, the great Sesostris, of Hannibal, or of Tir haka, king of Ethiopia, whose very name frightened the mighty Assyrian monarch, (2 Kings, XIX. 9.) Is it possible, he never should have seen Herodotus, where the mighty works of the Pyramids, remaining to this day, are mentioned; and in AAEIA the answer of the king of Ethiopia to Cambyses. In Leo, the African's geographical description of Africa, he would have found, that Africa had produced races of heroes." MR. SHARP'S REPLY.

"HONOURED SIR,

"To his Excellency James Oglethorpe.

"I am not only truly sensible of the honor you have done me in condescending to make yourself known to me, but be assured, sir, that ever since I read the account of the settlers of Georgia in Harris' collection, to which you referred me, I have entertained a much greater esteem for you, than I can find words to express.

The noble principles on which that undertaking was at first set on foot, and your own truly disinterested and prudent conduct in establishing, as well as your brave and successful behaviour in defending it, form altogether a most instructive and exemplary piece of history for the imitation of the present and future ages; and as example and practice, are infinitely superior to theory and precepts, you certainly enjoy the heartfelt satisfaction, of having really practised and set forth in a conspicuous active life, those disinterested principles and duties, which, in my humble station, I have only been able to re

home, we do it in our huts and houses, in the middle of the day, 'till the greatest heat is over. People in Germany are hindred by frost and snow in the winter, from doing any work in the fields and vineyards; but we have this preference, to do the most and heaviest work at such a time, preparing the ground sufficently for planting in the spring. We were told by several people, after our arrival, that it proves quite impossible and dangerous, for white people to plant and manufacture rice being a work for negroes, but having experience to the contrary, we laugh at such talking, seeing, that several people of us, have had in last harvest, a greater crop than they wanted for their own consumption.

We humble beseech the honorable trustees not to allow it, that any negro might be brought to our place or in our neighbourhood, knowing by experience, that our fields and gardens will always be robbed by them, and white persons be put in danger of life because of them, besides other great inconveniences.”—Vide History of Georgia.

commend in theory. I shall certainly avail myself of the liberty of waiting upon you, as soon as I know that you are returned to town, and remain, with the greatest esteem and respect,

GRANVILLE SHARP."

This correspondence led to the formation of a friendship between these two eminent promoters of justice and virtue which terminated only with life. Gen. Oglethorpe was the strenuous defender of the rights of seamen, and now published his "Sailor's Advocate" with an introduction by Mr. Sharp, which passed thro' numerous editions. The latter, had already considered the subject of impressment, and was convinced of its iniquity, because it implied oppression and respect of persons and was malum in se, unjust. Cessa regnare, si non vis judicare, was in his opinion a sound maxim grounded upon another; that liberty is the soul, and the laws the body of the commonwealth. “Our parliament, said he, can have no more right to make a law to enslave Englishmen, than any individual has to deprive himself of life, because that would amount to the crime of felo de se in the state."

In consequence of his generous exertions in behalf of the oppressed, Mr. Sharp was frequently resorted to, by those who found themselves in distress, and without the means of legal defence. During the preparations for war with the American Colonies, measures were adopted for the impressment of seamen, and many were seized under warrants from the admiralty. Some of these invoked the aid of Granville Sharp. With his usual ardour and diligence, he pursued his researches into the laws on this subject, and finally in the case of Millachip, for whom a writ of Habeas Corpus had been obtained, brought the question before Lord Mansfield. The attorney general cited the warrant of the lords of the admiralty to justify impressment. But Lord Mansfield waived the discussion of the question of right, and only declared the return to the writ of Habeas Corpus improper, so that the man was at liberty.*

*The minutes of the proceedings, in the case of Millachip, were closed by the following memorandum, "Cause stands over, to give the attorney gen- ́ eral time to consider of his argument upon what was thrown out by the Court." On this, Mr. Sharp observes: Is it not manifest, from the repeated declarations of the chief justice, that the cause itself is thrown out by the Court, and that the man was instanter set at liberty, when the Court declared the return not sufficient to have him remanded. The personal rights of this man are sacred and inestimable, and are not to be set up as a butt to exercise sophistry. Be

It occasioned much regret to Granville Sharp, that the cause was afterwards argued on both sides, in reference to the peculiar exemption of Millachip as a citizen of London, and, therefore, did not allow of the discussion of the great question of the legality or illegality of impressments. While engaged in these benevolent efforts for seamen, Mr. Sharp visited Dr. Johnson, and heard his impressive arguments in opposition to his opinions. "Mr. Sharp's strength (says Mr. Hoare,) did not lie in debate, and he felt, severely, the power of Dr. Johnson's reasoning." An account of this interview is recorded in his manuscript.

"I have been told, that it is the common lot of the poor and laborious part of mankind, to endure hardships and inconveniences; that the pressing and forcing them into service is no injustice, nor illegality, being nothing more than one necessary contingent circumstance of the low condition of life, in which they were bred; and that the cruelty, rather rests with persons, who like me take notice of the grievances, and render them unhappy, by persuading them that they are so. All this has been urged to me, with such plausible sophistry, and important self sufficiency of the speaker, as if he supposed that the mere sound of words was capable of altering the nature of things; as if there were no distinction between good and evil; but the circumstances of persons or occasions might render it expedient or necessary to practice the one as well as the other. Thus the tyrant's plea of necessity is made to remove all bounds of law, morality, and common right! But woe be to them that call evil good and good evil! Happy would it be for this nation, and the eternal souls of such as mislead it, if the feelings of the seamen, and other laborious poor, had no other stimulation, than the recital of their unhappy case by such poor advocates as myself! Are they not surely of the same blood: have they not the same natural knowledge of good and evil to discern, and the same feelings, to be sensible of injuries, as those who cause their sufferings? It is to prevent and dissuade from acts of violence and injustice, but surely not to aggravate the sense of them, that such circumstances are noticed. Nay, it is charity towards the oppressors, as well as the oppressed, to endeavour to convince them of their error: and how can this be done but by speaking of the oppression. It is even a crime to be silent on such occasions; for the scriptures command, open thy mouth; judge righteously and plead the cause of the poor and needy, (Prov. XXXI. 9.) Nay it is the cause of God, who hath declared: For the oppressor of the poor reproacheth his Maker, but he that honoureth him hath mercy on the poor. (Prov. XIV. 31.")

sides, it is a maxim in the law, that the cause of liberty is to be favoured before all other causes: Humana natura in libertatis causa, favorem semper magis quam in aliis causis deprecatur: and, Anglica jura in omni causa libertati dant favorem.-Fortescue.

In a letter to a friend, about the same time, he writes

“But we see, says an advocate for power, that it (impressment) does not discourage; men are still bred up to a sea faring life, and in times of peace multitudes are allowed by the merchant's service to choose that condition, whereby they are subject to the impress. True it is, that the necessities of poor labouring men, compel them to earn their bread in any way that they can get it; and when a war is over, the discouragement of pressing is in a great measure forgot, and the number of seamen of course is again increased. But this makes no difference with respect to the injustice and illegality of the oppression itself; for if the poor man is not protected in an honest calling (which is his estate and most valuable dependence) as well as the rich man in his estate, the law or rather the administrators of it are unjust and partial, having respect of persons, which the law itself abhors, and which religion strictly forbids. And therefore, if we can form any precise definition of ini. quity, this partiality of which I complain, comes fairly within the meaning of that term."

The principles of christian virtue are simple, consistent, and comprehensive. On all great moral questions there will be found among those who adopt them in their full extent, unity of sentiment, and in the discharge of social and civil duties, the same practice. Abstract doctrines concerning human rights and obligations are frequently condemned, as inapplicable to the real and various character, circumstances and necessities of mankind; but in truth, without clear and just views of certain moral principles immutable as our nature and important as our destiny, we are entirely unprepared to give judgment concerning any one leading interest of society, or to fulfil one of its responsible duties. The principles upon which reposed the faith of Sharp and Oglethorpe, are the basis of the order and happiness of the world. These men spoke out with prophetic voice, against crime in high places, and by the sad experience of more than one nation, have the truths to which they paid homage, been proved of paramount importance to mankind. Their opinions were concurrent, for they both bowed to the laws of God. What calamities had been prevented, what glory had covered England, had she listened to their admonitions: But her injustice to her seamen has driven them from her shores, and weakened their energy-her sanction of the slave trade produced evils surpassing description-and her unjust war, with her American Colonies, robbed her crown of one of its brightest gems, (To be Continued.)