but the proposed amendment was voted down after a hot debate. Taylor then made a motion that hereafter, in the organization of territories out of the Louisiana purchase, slavery should be interdicted in all that part north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes. This proposition was also lost after a very excited discussion. Meanwhile, Tallmadge's amendment to the Missouri bill was defeated in the Senate, and as a consequence both the new territories were organized without restrictions in the matter of slavery.

When the bill to admit Missouri as a State was finally, in January of 1820, brought before Congress, the measure was opposed by those who had desired the exclusion of slavery. But at that time the new Free State of Maine was asking for admission into the Union; and those who favored slavery in Missouri determined to exclude Maine unless Missouri should also be admitted. After another angry debate, which lasted till the 16th of February, the bill coupling the two new States together was actually passed; and then Senator Thomas of Illinois made a motion that henceforth and forever slavery should be excluded from all that part of the Louisiana cession-Missouri excepted-lying north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes. Such was the celebrated MISSOURI COMPROMISE, one of the most important acts of American legislation—a measure chiefly supported by the genius, and carried through Congress by the persistent efforts, of Henry Clay. The principal conditions of the plan were these first, the admission of Missouri as a slave-holding State; secondly, the division of the rest of the Louisiana purchase by the parallel of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes; thirdly, the admission of new States, to be formed out of the territory south of that line, with or without slavery, as the people might determine; fourthly, the prohibition of slavery in all the new States to be organized out of territory north of the dividing-line. By this compromise the slavery agitation was allayed until 1849.

:

Meanwhile, the country had measurably recovered from the effects of the late war. With peace and plenty the resources of the nation were rapidly augmented. Toward the close of his term the President's administration grew into high favor with the people; and in the fall of 1820 he was re-elected with great unanimity. As VicePresident, Mr. Tompkins was also chosen for a second term. Scarcely had the excitement over the admission of Missouri subsided when the attention of the government was called to an alarming system of piracy which had sprung up in the West Indies. Early in 1822 the American frigate Congress, accompanied with eight smaller vessels,

was sent thither; and in the course of the year more than twenty piratical ships were captured. In the following summer Commodore Porter was despatched with a larger fleet to cruise about Cuba and the neighboring islands. Such was his vigilance that the retreats of the sea-robbers were completely broken up; not a pirate was left afloat.

At this time the countries of South America were disturbed with many revolutions. From the days of Pizarro these states had been dependencies of European monarchies. Now they declared their independence, and struggled to maintain it by force of arms. The people of the United States, having achieved their own liberty, naturally sympathized with the patriots of the South. Mr. Clay urged upon the government the duty of giving official recognition to the South American republics. At last his views prevailed; and in March of 1822 a bill was passed by Congress recognizing the new states as sovereign nations. In the following year this action was followed up by the President with a vigorous message, in which he declared that for the future the American continents were not to be considered as subjects for colonization by any European power. This famous declaration constitutes what has ever since been known in the politics and diplomacy of the United States as THE MONROE DOCTRINE-a doctrine by which the entire Western hemisphere is consecrated to free institutions.

Great was the joy of the American people in the summer of 1824. The venerated La Fayette, now aged and gray, returned once more to visit the land for whose freedom he had shed his blood. The honored patriots who had fought by his side came forth to greet him. The younger heroes crowded around him. In every city, and on every battle-field which he visited, he was surrounded by a throng of shouting freemen. His journey through the country was a triumph. It was a solemn and sacred moment when he stood alone by the grave of Washington. Over the dust of the great dead the patriot of France paid the homage of his tears. In September of 1825 he bade a final adieu to the people who had made him their guest, and then sailed for his native land. At his departure, the frigate Brandywine-a name significant for him-was prepared to bear him away. While Liberty remains to cheer the West, the name of La Fayette shall be hallowed.

Before the departure of the idential election had been held. and much division of sentiment.

illustrious Frenchman another presIt was a time of great excitement Four candidates were presented for

the suffrages of the people. There was an appearance of sectionalism in the canvass. John Quincy Adams was put forward as the candi

date of the East;

William H. Crawford of Georgia as the choice of the South; Henry Clay and Andrew Jackson as the favorites

of the West.

Nei

ther candidate received a majority of the electoral votes, and for the second time in the history of the government the choice of President was referred to the House of Representatives. By that body Mr. Adams was duly elec

ted. For Vice

President, John C.

LA FAYETTE,

THE

HE new President was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1825. He was a man of the highest attainments in literature and statesmanship. At the age of eleven years he accompanied his father, John Adams, to Europe. At Paris and Amsterdam and St. Petersburg the son continued his studies, and at the same time became acquainted with the manners and politics of the Old World. The vast opportunities of his youth were improved to the fullest extent. In his riper years he served his country as ambassador to the Netherlands, Portu

gal, Prussia, Russia and England. Such were his abilities in the field of diplomacy as to elicit from Washington the extraordinary praise of being the ablest minister of which America could boast. His life, from 1794 till 1817, was devoted almost wholly to diplomatical services at the various European capitals. At that critical period when the relations of the United States with foreign nations were as yet not well established, his genius secured the adoption of treaty after treaty in which the interests of his country were guarded with patriotic vigilance. In 1806 he was honored with the professorship of Rhetoric and Belles-Lettres at Harvard College of which he was an alumnus. He had also held the office of United States senator from Massachusetts; and on the accession of Monroe to the presidency was chosen secretary of state. To the presidential chair he brought the wisdom of mature years, great experience and unusual ability.

The new administration was an epoch of peace and prosperity in the country; but the spirit of party manifested itself with much violence. The adherents of General Jackson and Mr. Crawford united in opposition to the policy of the President; and there was a want of unanimity between the different departments of the government. In the Senate the political friends of Mr. Adams were in a minority, and their majority in the lower House only lasted for one session. In his inaugural address the President strongly advocated the doctrine of internal improvements; but the adverse views of Congress prevented his recommendations from being adopted.

For a quarter of a century a difficulty had existed between the government of the United States and Georgia in respect to the lands held in that State by the Creek Indians. When, in 1802, Georgia relinquished her claim to Mississippi Territory, the general government agreed to purchase and surrender to the State all the Creek lands lying within her own borders. This pledge on the part of the United States had never been fulfilled, and Georgia complained of bad faith. The difficulty became alarming; but finally, in March of 1826, a treaty was concluded between the Creek chiefs and the President, by which a cession of all their lands in Georgia was obtained. At the same time the Creeks agreed to remove to a new home beyond the Mississippi.

On the 4th of July, 1826-just fifty years to a day after the Declaration of Independence-the venerable John Adams, second President of the United States, and his successor, Thomas Jefferson, both died. Both had lifted their voices for freedom in the early and perilous days of the Revolution. One had written and both had signed

UNIV. OF