party views of the domestic enemies of the American adminis tration. The agents of France were notorious, and active; while libelling the president and congress, were among the practised means of the party, for rendering them unpopular. Nothing could therefore give more umbrage, than laws adapted to suppress the influence of French emissaries, and printed. falsehoods. The opposition was in proportion.

The governor of the commonwealth, in his communications to the legislative body, in adverting to these acts of congress, remarked that they had "created an uncommon agitation of mind among the citizens of the state." He then proceeded to denounce them as unconstitutional, and dangerous to public liberty; as if these consisted in the protection of foreign emissaries, the publications of falsehood, and combinations to break the peace!

On the 8th of the month, Mr. John Breckenridge, an influential member from Fayette, introduced into the house of representatives, a concatenation of resolutions, with no little ostentation, on the subject of these proscribed laws; as it were, to enlarge and elucidate the ideas of the governor. And as they were adopted by the general assembly, they are thought worthy of further observation. The first will be insertedthe rest merely referred to in gross.

"1st. Resolved, That the several states composing the United States of America, are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government; but that by compact under the style and title of, a constitution for the United States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a general government, for special purposes, delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each state to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self govern ment; and that whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force: that to this compact, each state acceded, as a state, and is an integral party; its co-states forming as to itself, the other party: that the government created by this compact, was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent

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of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the constitution, the measure of its powers; but that as in all other cases of compact among parties having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode and measure of redress."

A few observations will be hazarded on the matters contained in this resolution, as is the course of this history, regarding truth, and reason, as their only guides.-The other seven, and an eighth, requiring the governor to send out copies to congress, and to the state legislatures, being equally wise, and occupying a proportionate space with the first, may be judged of by the laconick analysis, which their primary will receive. Of that it may be said, it is the summary of anti-federalism. It is a misconception of the facts, and a perversion of the principles on which the constitution of the United States was framed, and adopted. It is a theory of error, conducing to mischievous practice; which merits a check.

Among other things, deserving attention, and the first that will be particularly noticed, is, that the resolution asserts in effect, "that the constitution of the United States, was a compact between the states, as states, for special purposes." That the first part of this proposition is not true in fact, will appear from the declaration at the head of the constitution itselfwhich is, that, "We, the PEOPLE of the United States," &c. concluding with, "do ordain and establish this constitution, for the United States of America." Denying also the latter part of the same proposition to be true, "that it were for special purposes the constitution was made." No: they were general purposes, requiring plenary sovereignty to carry them into effect. And to this purpose, the constitution, whether made by the states, or the people, amply provides, in declaring, "that congress shall have power, to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution, the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department, or officer thereof." And in providing that "this con

stitution, and the laws of the United States, which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding." To this may be added, the requisition, that "the senators, and representatives, (in congress,) before mentioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several states, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this constitution."

One other clause only need be exhibited, to prove the utter futility of the proposition of Mr. Breckenridge, under conside ration. It follows:

"The judicial power (of the United States) shall extend to all cases in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made or which shall be made under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, or other public ministers, and consuls; to all cases of admiralty, and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party, to controversies between two or more states, between a state and citizens of another state, between citizens of different states, and between a state, or citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens, or subjects."

While to give at once, and in connexion, a more distinct view of the objects for which the government of the United States was instituted, recurrence will still be had to the constitution, and further quotations made; in order to shew the reader, a catalogue of the declared powers of congress-which in effect are so many renunciations of state powers--as well as a like catalogue of powers expressly prohibited to the states. Thus it is provided in the eighth section:

"The congress shall have power-

"1st. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence, and general welfare of the United States: but all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States.

"2d. To borrow money on the credit of the United States. "3d. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes.

"4th. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization; and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies, throughout the United States.

"5th. To coin money; to regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin; and fix the standard of weights and measures. "6th. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States.

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"7th. To establish postoffices and post roads.

"8th. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries. "9th. To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court. "10th. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations.

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"11th. To declare war; grant letters of marque and reprisal; and make rules concerning captures on land and water.

12th. To raise and support armies. But no appropriation of money for that use, shall be for a longer term than two years. "13th. To provide and maintain a navy.

"14th. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces.

"15th. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel inva

sions.

"16th. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States; reserving to the states respectively the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by congress.

"17th. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of congress, become the seat of the government of the United

States; and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards, and other needful buildings; and,

"18th. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or any department or officer thereof." The ninth section is restrictive and explanatory.

"1st. The migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.

"2d. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it.

“3d. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. "4th. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.

"5th. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one state, over those of another: nor shall vessels, bound to or from one state, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.

"6th. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.

"7th. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person, holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever from any king, prince, or foreign state."

The tenth section is expressly prohibitory on state powers, whereby they are so far renounced, and not to be exercised by the states.