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friendly vote being itself sufficient to carry | and Yorke of N. J., also voted against the reit; but, although the passage of the resolution solution of Mr. Patton. was secured, yet resistance to it continued. Mr. Patton rose to recommend his resolution

as a peace offering, and to prevent further agitation by demanding the previous question. Then followed a scene of disorder, which thus appears in the Register of Debates:

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"Mr. Adams rose and said: Mr. Speaker, the gentleman precedes his resolution-[Loud cries of Order! order!' from all parts of the hall. Mr. A. He preceded it with remarks -[Order! order!']

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The Chair reminded the gentleman that it was out of order to address the House after the demand for the previous question.

"Mr. Adams. I ask the House-[Continued cries of Order!' which completely drowned the honorable member's voice.'].

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"Order having been restored, the next question was, 'Is the demand for the previous question seconded?' which seconding would consist of a majority of the whole House; which, on a division, quickly showed itself. Then came the further question, Shall the main question be now put?' on which the yeas and nays were demanded and taken; and ended in a repetition of the vote of the same 63 against it. The main question was then put and carried; but again, on yeas and nays, to hold free-state members to their responsibility; showing the same 63 in the negative.

"Thus were stifled, and in future prevented in the House, the inflammatory debates on these disturbing petitions. It was the great session of their presentation, being offered by hundreds, and signed by hundreds of thousands of persons-many of them women, who forgot their sex and their duties to mingle in such inflammatory work; some of them clergymen, who forget their mission of peace to stir up strife among those who should be brethren. It was a portentous contest. The motion of Mr. Slade was, not for an inquiry into the expediency of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, (a motion in itself sufficiently inflammatory), but to get the command of the House to bring in a bill for that purpose-which would be a decision of the question. His motion failed."

The resolution of Mr. Patton was adopted by a vote of yeas 122, nays 74. The negative vote on this resolution was the same as on the adjournment previously recorded, with the exception that Messrs. Adams, Aycrigg, Bell, and White, who voted against adjourning, did not vote against the resolution. Mr. White voted for the resolution. The others named did not vote at all. Messrs. Bronson, of N. Y., Chaney of Ohio, Duncan of Ohio, Fletcher of Mass., Foster of N. Y., Graham of Ind., Hamer of Ohio, Ingham of Conn., Kilgore of Ohio, Leadbetter of Ohio, Shepler of Ohio, Smith of Me., Toucy of Conn., Webster of Ohio,

During the second session of the 24th Congress, the Senate pursued the course of laying on the table the motion to receive all abolition petitions.

The House adopted, on motion of Mr. Hawes of Ky., a resolution laying all abolition petitions upon the table, without being either printed or referred.

During the 25th Congress, both Houses continued to pursue a like respective course upon the subject of abolition petitions.

The Senate has to this day continued to lay the question of the reception of abolition petitions upon the table.

On the 28th of January, 1840, the question was taken in the House on an amendment offered by Mr. W. Cost Johnson, to an amendment offered by Mr. J. Q. Adams to the rules. The amendment of Mr. Johnson was carried, and was called the 21st Rule. It is as follows:

"That no petition, memorial or resolution, or other paper, praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any state or territory, or the slave-trade between the states or territories of the United States, in which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way whatever."

It was adopted by the following vote:—

of N. H.; Banks, of Va.; Beirne, of Va.; Black well, of Tenn. Botts, of Va.; Boyd, of Ky.; A. V. Brown, of Tenn.; Brown, of Miss., Burke of N. H., Butler of Ky., Butler of S. C., Bynum of N. C., Campbell of S. C., Campbell of Tenn., Carroll of Md., Chapman, of Ala.; Coles, of Va.; Colquitt, of Ga.; Conner, of N. C., Cooper of Ga., Crabb of Ala., Craig of Va., Crockett, of Tenn.; Cross, of Ark.; Davis and Fornance, of Pa.; Gar land, of Va.; Garland, of La.; Gerry, of Pa.; Goggin. of Va.; Graham, of N. C.; Graves and Green, of Ky.; Griffin, of S C.; Habersham. of Ga.; Hawkins, of N. C.; Hill. of Va.; Hill, of N. C.; Holleman, of Va.; Holmes, of S. C.; Hopkins, Johnson, of Va.; Johnson, of Md.; Jones, of N. Y.; Jones, of Va.; Kemble, of N. Y.; Leadbetter, of O.; Lewis, of Ala. Lucas, of Va.; McCarty; McClellan, of Tenn.; McCulloch of Pa.; McKay, of N. C.; Mediil, of O.; Miller, of Mo.; Montanya. of N. Y.; Montgomery, of N. C.; Nisbet of Ga. S. C.; Pope, of Ky.; Prentiss, of N. Y.; Proffit, of Ind.; Ramsey, of Pa.; Rayner, of N. C.; Reynolds, of 111.; Rhett.

YEAS.-Messrs. Alford, of Ga.; Andrews, of Ky.; Atherton,

of Va.; Hubbard, of Ala.; Jameson, of Mo.; Jenifer, of Md.;

Parrish. of O.; Parris, of Me.; Petriken. of Pa.; Pickens, of

of S. C.; Rives, of Va.; Rogers, of S. C.; Samuels, of Va.; Shaw, of N. II.; Smith, of Me.; Stanley, of N. C.; Steenof O.; Taliafero, of Va.; Taylor, of O.; F. Thomas, of Md. rod, of Va.: Strong, of Pa.; Sumter, of S. C.; Sweeney, P. F. Thomas, of Md.; Thompson, of S. C.: Thompson. of Miss.; Triplett. of Ky.; Turney, of Tenn.; Warren, of Ga ; Watterson, of Tenn.; Weller. of O.; White. of Ky.; Williams, Williams of Ky.. Wise of Va., and Worthington of Md.-of N. C.; J. L. Williams, of Tenn.; C. H. Williams, of Tenn.; 114.

NAYS.-Messrs. Adams of Mass., Alien of N. Y., Allen, of

o., Anderson of Me., Anderson of Ky., Baker; Barnard of N Y., Beatty of Pa., Bell of Tenn., Biddle of Pa., Bond of O., Brewster of N. Y., Briggs of Mass., Brockaway of Conn., Brown, of N. Y.; Calhoun, of Ky.; Carr, of In.; Casey, of of Pa.; Cranston, of R. I.; Crary, of Mich; Curtis, of N. Y.; Ill., Chittenden, Clark of N. H., Clifford of Me., Cooper, Cushing, of Mass.; Dana, of N. Y.; Davee. of Maine; Davies, of Pa.; Doane, of O.; Davis, of N. Y.; Duncan, of O.; Edwards, of Pa.; Ely of N. Y.; Evans, of Me.; Everett. of Vt.; Fillmore, of N. Y.; Fletcher, of Vt.: Floyd, of N. Y.; Gates, of N. Y.; Gentry, of Tenn.; Giddings and Goode, of O.: Granger, of N. Y.; Grinnell, of N. Y.; Hall, of Vt.; Hand. of N. Y. Hastings, of Mass.; Hastings, of O.; Henry, of

Pa.; Hoffman, of N. Y.; look, of Pa.; Howard, of Ia.,

Hunt, of N. Y.; Jackson, of N. Y.; James C. Johnston; Keim, of Pa.; Kempshall; Lawrence, of Mass.; Leet, of Pa.;

Leonard, of N. Y.; Lincoln, of Mass.; Lowell, of Me.; Mal lory, of N. Y.; Marchand of Pa.; Marvin, of N. Y.; Mason, of O.; Mitchell, of N. Y.; Monroe, of N. Y.; Morgan, of N. Y.; Morris, of Pa.; Morris, of O.; Naylor, of Pa.; Newhard, of Pa.: Ogle, of Pa.; Osborne, of Conn.; Palen, of N. Y.; Parmenter, of Mass.; Paynter, of Pa.; Peck, of N. Y.; Randall, of Me.; Randolph, of N. J.; Rariden, of Ia.; Reed, of Mass.; Ridgway, of O.; Rogers, of N. Y.; Russell, of N. Y.; Saltonstall, of Mass.; Sergeant, of Pa.; Simonton, of Pa.; Slade, of Vt.; Smith of Vt., Smith of Conn., Starkweather of O., Storrs of Conn., Stuart of Ill., Tillinghast of R. I., Toland of Pa., Trumbull of Conn., Underwood of Ky., Van derpoel of N. Y., Wagener of Pa., Wagoner of N. Y., Wick, of La., Williams of N. H., Williams of Conn., and Williams

of Mass.-108.

The 21st rule, as it was called, which read as follows: "No petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any state or territory, or the slave-trade between the states and the territories of the United States in which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way whatever," was rescinded on the 3d of Dec. 1844, on motion of Mr. J. Quincy Adams, by yeas and nays as follows:

YEAS.-Messrs. Abbot, of Mass.; Adams, of Mass.; Anderson, of N. Y.; Baker, of Mass.; Barnard, of N. Y.; Ben

ton, of N. Y.; Black, of Pa.; Brinkerhoff, of O.; Brodhead, of Pa.; T. Brown, of Pa.; Buffington of Pa.; Carpenter, of

N. Y.; Cary, of N. Y.; Catlin, of Conn.; Clingman, of N.

C., Clinton of N. Y., Collamer of Vt., Cranston of R. I., Dana, of N. Y.; Darragh, of Pa.; Dean, of O.; Dickey, of

Pa.; Dillingham, of Vt.; Duncan, of O.; Dunlap, of Me.; Ellis, of N. Y.; Elmer, of N. J.; Farlee, of N. J.; Fish, of

N. Y.; Florence, of 0.: Foot, of Vt.; Fuller, of Pa.; Giddings, of O.; Green, of N. Y.; Grinnell, of Mass.: Hale, of

N. H.; Hamlin, of Me.; Hamlin, of S. C.; Hardin, of Ill.,

Harper, of O.; Henley, of Ia.; Herrick. of Me.; Hubbell,

of N. Y., Hudson, of Mass.; Hungerford, of N. Y.; Hunt, of Mich.; J. R. Ingersoll, of Pa.; Irvin, of Pa.; Jencks, of Pa.; P. B. Johnsou, of O.; Kennedy, of la.; Kennedy, of Md.: King, of Mass.; Kirkpatrick, of N. J.; Leonard, of N. Y.; Lyon, of Mich.; McCauslen, of O.; McClelland, of Mich.; McDowell, of O.; McIlvaine, of Pa.; Marsh, of Vt.; Morris, of Pa.; Morris, of O.; Morse, of Me.; Moxly, of N. Y.; Nes, of Pa.; Owen, of Ia.; Parmenter, of Mass.: Patterson, of

N. Y.; Pettit, of la.; Phoenix, of N. Y.; Pollock, of Pa.; Potter, of R. I.; Pratt, of N. Y.; Preston, of Md.; Purdy, of N. Y.; Ramsey, of Pa.; Rathbun, of N. Y.; Ritter, of Pa; Robinson, of N. Y.; Rockwell, of Mass.; Rogers, of N. Y.; St. John, of O.; Sample, of Ia.; Schenck. of O.; Severance, of Me.; Thomas H. Seymour, of Conn.; David L. Seymour. of N. Y.; Albert Smith, of N. Y; John T. Smith, of Pa.; Thomas Smith, Ia.; Caleb B. Smith, of Ia.; Stetson, of N. Y.; Andrew Stewart, of Pa.; John Stewart, of Conn.; Tyler, of N. Y.; Vance, of O.; Vinton, of O.; Wentworth, of II.; Wethered, of Md.; Wheaton, of Mass.; John White. of Ky.; Benjamin White, of Me.; Williams, of Mass.: Winthrop of Mass., William Wright of N. Y., Joseph A. Wright

of Ia.; and Yost, of Pa.--108.

NAYS.-Messrs. Arrington, of N. C.; Ashe, of Tenn.; At kinson, of Va.; Baily, of Va.; Barringer, of N. C.; Bidlack, of Pa.; Edward J. Black, of Ga.; James A. Black, of S. C.; Blackwell, of Tenn.; Bowlin, of Mo.; Boyd, of Ky.; Milton Brown, of Tenn.; William J. Brown. of Ia.; Burke, of N. H.; Burt, of S. C.; Caldwell, of Ky; Causin, of Md.; Reuben Chapman, of Ala.; Augustus A. Chapman, of Va.; Chilton, of Va., Cobb of Ga., Daniel of N. C., Garrett Davis of Ky., John W. Davis, of la.; Dawson, of La.; Deberry, of N. C.; Dellett, of Ala.; Dromgoole, of Va.; Ficklin, of Ill.; French, of Tenn.; Goggin, of Va.; Grider, of Ky.; Haralson, of Ga.; Holmes, of S. C.; Iloge, of Ill.; Hopkins, of Va.; Houston, of Ala.; Hubard, of Va.; Hughes, of Mo.; Charles J. Inger soll, of Pa.; Jameson, of Mo.; Cave Johnson, of Tenn.; Andrew Johnson, of Tenn.; George W. Jones, of Tenn.; Preston King, of N. Y.; Labranche, of La.; Lucas, of Va.; Lumpkin, of Ga.; McClernand, of Ill.; McConnell, of Ala.; McKay, of N. C.; Mathews, of O.; Isaac E. Morse, of La.; Murphy, of N. Y.; Newton, of Va.; Norris, of N. H.; Payne,

of Ala: Peyton, of Tenn.; David S. Reid, of N. C.; Reding,

of N. H.; Relfe, of Mo.; Rhett, of S. C.; Rodney, of Del.; Saunders, of N. Y.; Senter, of Tenn.; Simpson, of S. C.; Slidell, of La.: Robert Smith, of Illinois; Steenrod, of Va.; Stephens, of Ga.; Stiles. of Ga.; James W. Stone, of Ky.; Alfred P. Stone, of O.; Taylor, of Va.; Thomasson, of Ky.; Thompson, of Miss; Tibbatts. of Tenn.; Weller, of O.; Woodward, of 8. C.; and Yancey, of Ala.—80.

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YEAS.-Messrs. Stephen Adams, of Miss.; Atkinson, of Va.; Barringer, of N. C.; Bayley, of Va.; Bedinger, of Va.; Bell of Ky., James A. Black of S. C., Bowlin of Mo., Boyd of Ky., Milton Brown of Tenn., William G. Brown of Md.; Augustus A. Chapman, of Va.; Reuben Chapman, of Va.; Burt, of S. C.; Cabell, of Fla.; John G. Chapman, of Ala.; Chase, of Tenn.; Chipman, of Mich.; Clarke, of N. C.; Cobb, of Ga.; Cocke, of Tenn.; Constable, of Md.; Cullom, of Tenn.; Daniel, of N. C.; Garrett Davis, of Ky.; Dobbin, of N. C.; Dockery, of N. C.; Douglass, of Ill.; Dromgoole, of Va., Faran, of O.; Ficklin, of Ill.; Giles, of Md.; Graham, Ala.; Hoge, of Ill.; Isaac E. Holmes, of S. C.; Hopkins, of of N. C.; Haralson, of Ga.; Harmanson, of La.; Hilliard, of Va.; George S. Houston, of Ala.; E. W. Hubard, of Va.; son, of Va.; Andrew Johnson, of Tenn.; George W. Jones. of Hunter, of Va.; Charles J. Ingersoll, of Pa.; Joseph JohnTenn.; Seaborn Jones, of Ga.; Thomas B. King, of Ga.; Leake, of Va.; Ligon, of Md.; Long, of Md.; Lumpkin, of Ga.; McClean, of Pa.; McClernand, of Ill.; McConnell, of Ala.; McHenry, of Ky.; McKay, of N. C.; John P. Martin, of Ky.; Barclay Martin, of Tenn.; Norris, of N. H.; Payne, of Ala.; Pendleton, of Va.; Perry, of Md.; Price, of Mo. Reid, of N. C.; Relfe, of Mo.; Rhett, of S. C.; Seddon, of Va.; A. D. Sims, of S. C.; L. H. Simms, of Mo.; Simpson, of S. C.; Robert Smith, of Ill.; Stanton, of Tenn.; Stephens, Ga., Tibbatts of Ky., Treadway of Va., Trumbo of Ky., Wilmot of Ga. Taylor of Va., Jacob Thompson of Miss., Toombs, of of Pa., Woodward of S. C., Yancey of Ala., Yell of Ark.--84. The following Southern Representatives voted in the negative,

Messrs. Crozier and Gentry of Tenn., Grider, Young, and Thomasson of Ky., Houston of Del., Thibodeaux of La.

The following is the affirmative vote in the House on the 11th of Dec. 1845, in laying on the table an abolition petition, presented by Mr. Culver of N. Y., praying the abolition of slavery, and the slave-trade in the District of Columbia.

YEAS.-Messrs. S. Adams, of Miss.; Atkinson, of Va.; Barringer, of N. C.; Bayley, of Va.; Bedinger, of Va.; Biggs, of N. C.; James Black, of Pa.; James A. Black, of S. C.;

Boyd, of Ky.; Brodhead, of Pa.; William G. Brown, of Va.; Burt, of S. C.: John H. Campbell, of Pa.; Augustus A. Chapman, of Va.; R. Chapman, of Ala.; Chipman, of Mich.; Clarke, of N. C.; Cocke, of Tenn.; Crozier, of Tenn.; Cullom, of Tenn.; Cunningham, of O.; Daniel, of N. C.; G. Davis, of Erdman, of Pa.; Faran, of O.; Foster, of Pa.; Gentry, of Ky.; Dockery, of N. C.; Douglass, of Ill.; Edsall of N. J.; Tenn.; Giles, of Md.; Goodyear, of N. Y.; Graham, of N. C.; Grider, of Ky.; Haralson, of Ga.; Harmanson, of La.: Henley, of Ind.; Hilliard, of Ala.; Hoge, of Ill.; Hopkins, of Va.; John W. Houston, of Del.; G. S. Houston, of Ala.. Hungerford, of N. Y.; Hunter, of Va.; Charles J. Ingersoll, of Pa.; J. H. Johnson, of N. H.; J. Johnson, of Va.; Andrew Johnson of Tenn., George W. Jones of Tenn., Seaborn Jones of Ga., Kennedy of Ind., T. B. King of Ga., Lawrence of N. Y., Leake of Va., Levin of Penn., Ligon of Md., Lumpkin of Ga., Ma lay of N. Y., McClean of Pa., McCrate of Me., McHenry of Ky., John P. Martin of Ky., Barclay Martin of Tenn., Miller of N. Y., Morse of Louisiana, Moulton of N. H., Norris of N. H., Owen of Ind., Parish of O., Payne of Ala., Pendleton of Va., Perrill of O., Perry of Md., Petit of Ind., Price of Mo., Rathbun of N. Y., Reid of N. C., Relfe of Mo., Ritter of Pa., Roberts of Miss, Sawyer of O., Scammon of Me., Seddon of Va., A. D. Sims of S. C., L. H. Simms of Mo., Simpson of S. C., Robert Smith of Ill., Stanton of Tenn., Stephens of Ga., Thibodeaux of La., James Thompson of Pa., Jacob Thompson of Miss., Thurman of O., Tibbats of Ky., Toombs of Ga., Treadway of Va., Trumbo of Ky., Wentworth of Ill., Wick of Ind., Wilmot of Pa., Woodruff of N. Y., Woodward of S. C., Woodworth of N. J., Yancey of Ala., Yell of Ark., Young of Ky., and Yost of Pa.--108.

On the 25th of February, 1850, Mr. Giddings of Ohio, in the House of Representatives, presented two petitions, one from Isaac Jeffries and other citizens of Penna., and the other from John T. Woodward and other citi zens of Del. and Pa. They were as follows:

tional

power.

"We, the undersigned inhabitants of Penn- District of Columbia and Territories; the sylvania and Delaware, believing that the inter-state slave-trade, and a general opposi Federal Constitution, in pledging the strength tion to slavery to the full extent of constituof the whole nation to support slavery, violates the Divine law, makes war upon human rights, and is grossly inconsistent with republican principles that its attempt to unite slavery in one body politic has brought upon the country great and manifold evils, and has fully proved that no such union can exist, but by the sacrifice of freedom to the supremacy of slavery, respectfully ask you to devise and propose without delay, some plan for the immediate, peaceful dissolution of the American

Union."

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Upon the 1st of February, 1850, the same petitions praying a dissolution of the Union were presented in the Senate by Mr. Hale of N. H.

Mr. Webster of Mass. suggested that there should have been a preamble to the petition

in these words

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'Gentlemen, members of Congress, whereas at the commencement of the session, you and cach of you took your solemn oaths in the presence of God and on the Holy Evangelists, that you would support the Constitution of the U. S., now therefore we pray you to take immediate steps to break up the Union and overthrow the Constitution of the United States as soon as you can. And as in duty bound we

will ever pray."

In 1848, that portion of the party which did not support the Buffalo nominees took the ground of affirming the constitutional authority and duty of the General Government to abolish slavery in the States.

Under the head of "Buffalo," the platform of the Free Soil party, which nominated Mr. Van Buren, will be found.

In 1852, the Independent Democrats as they were called, who supported John P. Hale for President, adopted the following platform:

Having assembled in National Convention, as the Delegates of the Free Democracy of the United States, united by a common resolve to maintain right against wrongs, and freedom against slavery; confiding in the intelligence, patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the American people, putting our trust in God for the triumph of our cause, and invoking His guidance in our endeavors to advance it, we now submit to the candid judgment of all men the following declaration of principles

and measures:

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II. That the true mission of American Democracy is to maintain the liberties of the people, the sovereignty of the states, and the perpetuity of the Union, by the impartial application to public affairs, without sectional discriminations, of the fundamental principles of equal rights, strict justice, and economical administration.

III. That the Federal Government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government, and it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers.

IV. That the Constitution of the United States, ordained to form a more perfect union, to establish justice, and secure the blessings of liberty, expressly denies to the general government all power to deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; and therefore the government, These petitions have since then excited but having no more power to make a slave than

But three Senators voted for the reception of the petition, viz.:

Messrs. Chase, Hale, and Seward.

little attention.

Abolition Platforms.

THE first national platform of the Abolition party upon which it went into the contest in 1840, favored the abolition of slavery in the

to make a king, and no more power to esta blish slavery than to establish monarchy should at once proceed to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence of slavery, wherever it possesses constitutional power to legislate for its extinction.

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VII. That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is repugnant to the Constitution, to the principles of the common law, to the spirit of Christianity, and to the sentiments of the civilized world. We therefore deny its binding force upon the American people, and demand its immediate and total repeal.

VIII. That the doctrine that any human law is a finality, and not subject to modifica tion or repeal, is not in accordance with the creed of the founders of our government, and is dangerous to the liberties of the people.

in limited quantities, free of cost, to landless settlers.

XIII. That a due regard for the Federal Constitution, and sound administrative policy, demand that the funds of the general government be kept separate from banking institu tions; that inland and ocean postage should be reduced to the lowest possible point; that no more revenue should be raised than is required to defray the strictly necessary expenses of the public service, and to pay off the public debt; and that the power and patronage of the government should be diminished by the abolition of all unnecessary offices, salaries, and privileges, and by the election, by the people, of all civil officers in the service of the United States, so far as may be consistent with the prompt and efficient transaction of the public business.

XIV. That river and harbor improvements, when necessary to the safety and convenience of commerce with foreign nations, or among the several states, are objects of national concern; and it is the duty of Congress, in the exercise of its constitutional powers, to provide for the same.

XV. That emigrants and exiles from the Old World should find a cordial welcome to homes of comfort and fields of enterprise in the New; and every attempt to abridge their privilege of becoming citizens and owners of the soil among us, ought to be resisted with inflexible determination.

IX. That the acts of Congress, known as the Compromise Measures of 1850, by making the admission of a sovereign state contingent upon the adoption of other measures demanded by the special interest of slavery; by their omission to guaranty freedom in free territories; by their attempt to impose unconstitutional limitations on the power of Congress and the people to admit new states; by their provisions for the assumption of five millions alter or change its own government, and to XVI. That every nation has a clear right to of the state debt of Texas, and for the payment administer its own concerns in such manner of five millions more, and the cession of a large as may best secure the rights and promote the territory to the same state under menace, as an inducement to the relinquishment of a ground-ence with that right is a dangerous violation happiness of the people; and foreign interferless claim, and by their invasion of the sover- of the law of nations, against which all indeeignty of the states and the liberties of the people through the enactment of an unjust, op-deavor by all proper means to prevent; and pendent governments should protest, and enpressive and unconstitutional Fugitive Slave Law, are proved to be inconsistent with all the principles and maxims of Democracy, and wholly inadequate to the settlement of the questions of which they are claimed to be an adjustment.

especially is it the duty of the American government, representing the chief republic of the world, to protest against, and by all proper means to prevent the intervention of kings and emperors against nations seeking to establish for themselves republican or constitutional governments.

XVII. That the independence of Hayti ought to be recognised by our government, and our commercial relations with it placed on the footing of the most favored nations.

X. That no permanent settlement of the slavery question can be looked for, except in the practical recognition of the truth, that slavery is sectional, and freedom national; by the total separation of the general government from slavery, and the exercise of its legitimate XVIII. That as, by the Constitution, “the and constitutional influence on the side of free-citizens of each state shall be entitled to all dom; and by leaving to the states the whole subject of slavery and the extradition of fugi

tives from service.

XI. That all men have a natural right to a portion of the soil; and that, as the use of the soil is indispensable to life, the right of all men to the soil is as sacred as their right to life itself.

XII. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people, and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to corporations, but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people, and should be granted

privileges and immunities of citizens of the several states," the practice of imprisoning colored seamen of other states, while the vessels to which they belong lie in port, and refusing to exercise the right to bring such cases before the Supreme Court of the United States, to test the legality of such proceedings, is a flagrant violation of the Constitution, and an invasion of the rights of the citizens of other states, utterly inconsistent with the profes cions made by the slaveholders, that they wish the provisions of the Constitution faithfully observed by every state in the Union.

XIX. That we recommend the introduction | nation into two parts-the Northern and the into all treaties hereafter to be negotiated be- Southern-of which the principles should be tween the United States and foreign nations, Slavery and Anti-Slavery. Five years ago, of some provision for the amicable settlement of difficulties by a resort to decisive arbitration. XX. That the Free Democratic party is not organized to aid either the Whig or Democratic wing of the great Slave Compromise party of the nation, but to defeat them both; and that repudiating and renouncing both, as hopelessly corrupt, and utterly unworthy of confidence, the purpose of the Free Democracy is to take possession of the Federal Government, and administer it for the better protection of the rights and interests of the whole people.

XXI. That we inscribe on our banner, Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men, and under it will fight on and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our exertions.

XXII. That upon this platform the Convention presents to the American people, as a candidate for the office of President of the United States, John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, and as a candidate for the office of Vice President of the United States, George W. Julian, of Indiana, and earnestly commends hem to the support of all freemen and parties. For the Anti-Slavery Platform of 1852, see Republican Platform."

Abolitionists and Republicans.

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS, SPEECHES, AND RE

SOLVES OF.

"THE ABOLITIONISTS AS PROPHETS.-Whoever has been an attentive reader of antilavery literature and journalism for the last fteen or twenty years, cannot but have been struck with the spirit of prophecy that runs through it all. To be sure, the Abolitionists may be said to belong to that large class of prophets who help to bring about the accomplishment of their own predictions. But it is a proof that they have known what they wanted, and also how best to bring it about. They have had a clear vision from the beginning of the way in which they were to walk, and of the work which they had to do. They acted on certain fixed principles, basing their measures on the nature of things and the nature of man; and, as their principles were eternally right, and their views of man and his ways founded on reason and experience, and as their speculations and their practice had no taint of selfishness in them, it was almost inevitable that they should see clearly and act sagaciously. Only, they have not seen half that was to come to pass, and the times were hidden from them, so that they are astonished at the haste with which the procession of events hurries past, in spite of the second-sight which discerned their coming

shadows in the distant future.

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what seemed more unlikely than that the nation should be divided into strictly sectional parties as it is now? The Whigs were run ning up their bids for slaveholding support with a desperation which showed that they had abandoned any other hope of success. Daniel Webster had abandoned all hope of a North, and had flung himself and all he had at the feet of the slave-masters, as his last and only chance for the eminence he sighed for. They spurned him away, to be sure, and sent him broken-hearted into his grave; but they appointed both the candidates and elected the one they loved the best.

"The idea of a Northern party, of a party which should not extend its ramifications into the Southern States, was regarded as something worse than a chimera, as a positive imagining of the death of the republic, as a positive misprision of treason. What a change has come over the dreams of the people since then! The Whig party, five years ago in power, and with a reasonable prospect of maintaining it, now dispersed, is demolished and ground to powder. Their very name has vanished from the face of the earth-or exists only as a mockery and a laughing-stock. The Abolitionists foresaw that this must come to pass; but they did not dream of its accomplishing itself so soon." "That the national parties should sooner or later divide on the only real matter of dispute existing in the country, was inevitable."

"But the lines are now drawn, and the hosts are encamped over against each other. The attempt to keep up a delusive alliance with natural enemies has been abandoned.

"The Abolitionists have been telling these things in the ears of the people for a quarter of a century. They have had a double part in what has come to pass, both by preparing the minds of the people of the North, and by compelling the people of the South to the very atrocities which have startled the North into attention. Nothing but the madness which ushers in destruction and the pride which goeth before a fall, on the part of the slaveholders, could have roused the sluggish North from its comfortable dreams of wealth, and made it put itself even into a posture of resistance."

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The North is in a state of excitement, temporary perhaps, but real for the time, and the widening lines of division between the North and South are growing deep and distinct.

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