Socialism and Democracy in EuropeH. Holt, 1913 - 352 Seiten |
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abolition acts agricultural anti-Socialist law ballot Bebel Belgian bill Bismarck bourgeois Briand Brussels candidate capital capitalist Chamber Chartist cialist class war co-operation co-operative committee communal Conference congress Conservatives councils debate delegates demands Democracy Deputies economic eight-hour day election electoral employees Engels England English Fabian Society Fabians factory favor Federation Ferdinand Lassalle France French funds German Social income industrial interests International International Workingmen's Association Jaurès Labor Party labor unions land Lassalle leaders legislation Liberals Liebknecht London Marx Marxian means of production ment Millerand modern municipal organization ownership Paris Parliament parliamentary political proletarian Protokoll question Radicals railway reform Reichstag revolution revolutionary Social Democratic Party Socialist movement Socialist Party society speech strike theory tion to-day Trade Unions universal suffrage violence vote voters wages workers workingmen workmen
Beliebte Passagen
Seite 60 - A heavy progressive or graduated income tax. 3. Abolition of all right of inheritance. 4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels. 5. Centralisation of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
Seite 13 - The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.
Seite 60 - ... 5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the state, by means of a national bank with state capital and an exclusive monopoly 6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the state 7.
Seite 58 - Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Working men of all countries, unite!
Seite 330 - Party should have as a definite object the Socialisation of the means of production, distribution, and exchange, to be controlled by a Democratic State in the interests of the entire community ; and the complete emancipation of Labour from the domination of Capitalism and Landlordism, with the establishment of social and economic equality between the sexes.
Seite 59 - Yet, when it was written, we could not have called it a Socialist manifesto. By Socialists, in 1847, were understood, on the one hand, the adherents of the various utopian systems : Owenites in England, Fourierists in France, both of them already reduced to the position of mere sects, and gradually dying out; on the other hand, the most multifarious social quacks, who, by all...
Seite 320 - Labour questions, to abstain strictly from identifying themselves with or promoting the interests of any section of the Liberal or Conservative parties, and not to oppose any other candidate recognized by this Committee.
Seite 60 - Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture. 9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equable distribution of population over the country. 10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children's factory labor in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production, etc., etc.
Seite 59 - ... classes for support. Whatever portion of the working class had become convinced of the insufficiency of mere political revolutions, and had proclaimed the necessity of a total social change, that portion then called itself Communist. It was a crude, rough-hewn, purely instinctive sort of Communism; still, it touched the cardinal point and was powerful enough amongst the working class to produce the Utopian Communism, in France, of Cabet, and in Germany, of Weitling. Thus, Socialism was, in 1847,...
Seite 59 - ... of tinkering, professed to redress, without any danger to capital and profit, all sorts of social grievances, in both cases men outside the working class movement, and looking rather to the "educated