lation, asking for this license; and if he did not know at that time, if it was a surprise to him to have this series of dynamitings charged to members of his own organization, he knows now. Yet he stands before you asking for this legislation, with the secretary and the editor of the magazine of this union now serving time in prison, its executive board and many local officers under indictment, and the union itself still a member of the American Federation of Labor.

Another matter I will present, if the senators want to listen to more along this line, as to practices under a different set of circumstances in the city of Chicago. There the closed shop system became universal, the building industry was absolutely closed and the local unions had a monopoly. So fruitful was this monopoly to the unions and to their officers and members that there began to be competition among themselves internally over the spoils of monopoly. Different

The

unions sprang up in the same crafts, each fighting for the control of their industry, with the result, Mr. Chairman, that during the year 1911 the building industry of Chicago at different times was practically tied up and at a standstill, while rival unions, members of the American Federation of Labor, fought for control. interests of the employer, of the contractor, and of the city of Chicago were absolutely disregarded and trade agreements were violated. These warring factions went to the extent of hiring professional gun men to kill the officers each of the other. These things are matters of court record of the city of Chicago, and a number of those men are now serving time in the penitentiary under conviction for murder, assault and manslaughter, the records clearly showing their employment by officers of unions that were members of the American Federation of Labor.

Mr. Gompers took cognizance of that situation, because internal warfare was a disastrous thing. He went to the city of Chicago, and I have the statement of the public press that he made every effort to bring these warring factions together without suc

cess. So his policy of coercion, threat and violence has raised up in his own ranks forces that he cannot control. And be he the best man in the world, and be he seeking this legislation in good faith, there still remains the fact that there are these forces under him which it has been shown he cannot control. He did not control the McNamaras. He could not settle the internal warfare in Chicago.

License by this legislation will be given to the people who have been. doing these things, and the man who stands before you as their mouthpiece asking for it cannot very well answer that he personally does not stand for these things. Admitted that he will not dynamite, or assault, or do any of these things, yet this legislation would say to the man who does want to do them that he had the sanction of congress for the principle of force and intimidation. With such sanction for the principle, the question of the character and degree of coercion to be used in practice would be one he would doubtless feel able to decide for himself.

English Socialist

During the past month, Socialistic propaganda has been disseminated in certain cities in the United States by J. Keir Hardie, who is possibly the foremost English Socialist, and a member of parliament. Mr. Hardie was on this side of the water in the first instance for the purpose of attending a labor convention in Canada, and upon the conclusion of that convention visited the United States and made some addresses, notably one in New York City.

Mr. Hardie differs from many of the leading Socialists of the United States, in that he is not in the least violent in his addresses, and discusses his views reasonably. He is nevertheless an extreme Socialist, and in his speech went as far as anybody will do in arguing the extreme limits of Socialism. He told his hearers of the condition of Socialism in England and elsewhere abroad.

"Pass The Limburger"

Doesn't the Western Federation of Miners love William D. Haywood? Here's what the editor says of him in a recent issue of The Miners' Magazine:

There are some men in the labor movement who "saw wood" and say but little, but Bill's wood pile is of such diminutive proportions as to be scarcely noticeable.

Bill is long on talk, but short on work.

There is a kind of limelight that is not yearned for by Bill or men of his type. A limelight that would dispel

the darkness that covers his shortcomings would not be courted or coveted by Big Bill. But Bill is pretty well known, and it is only a question of time until those in the east will know him as thousands of men know him in the west.

We admire an honest, brave man in the labor movement, but Bill Haywood-please pass the limburger; we feel faint.

Ohio F. of L. Busy

The Ohio State Federation of Labor at Canton, O., in October, prepared to take advantage of the new state constitution and obtain some of the legislation it wants, including the vicious minimum wage.

Bills based on the labor constitutional amendments will be drawn to submit to the state legislature. Should they fail to pass, the initiative will be resorted to.

To enforce labor regulations an industrial commission, similar to that in Wisconsin, will be demanded.

Among the labor laws to be submitted will be a minimum wage law, child labor regulations, including a dependent mothers' pension bill, and shorter hours for women law. A proposition to force the state to pay the wages of prisoners in state institutions to dependents of such prisoners will also be endorsed.

With similar activities in contemplation, the People's Power League was organized in Cincinnati, also in October. The program of the league

embodies legislation for the eight-hour day, compensation for industrial accident and occupational disease, pensions for dependent mothers, the recall, home rule for cities and a lot of other things, largely Socialistic.

For Political Capital

Mayor Lunn, of Schenectady, N. Y., and some others, went to Little Falls, N. Y., during the latter half of October, to make Socialist speeches to strikers of the Phoenix Knitting Mills. They were arrested on the charge of violating a city ordinance prohibiting the blocking of a public street. Later, the authorities of Little Falls permitted a public meeting on the part of the state Socialist candidates, and also on the part of the textile workers, by reason of which action the Socialist papers and leaders are declaring that a fight for the right of free speech has been won.

"These people," said the district attorney of Little Falls, "came up here to be arrested and they succeeded; they are clamoring about free speech, but that was only a subterfuge to get into jail and thus make political capital for themselves."

Socialist papers are agitaing for a strike in all the Little Falls textile mills.

Against Short Ballot

Labor, says The American Federationist, edited by Samuel Gompers, is not in accord with the wishes of the short ballot organization for the adoption of a short ballot. Editorially, The Federationist takes the position. that workingmen shall retain the means to control in politics and says:

In their discussions, the labor men of the United States have been brought to the conviction that they need to hold a permanent, unremitting and immediate control over certain officials to the fullest extent of their voting power. The proposal that they shall give up that control or cease demanding it when they have not yet acquired it, is to them not a reform in politics, but a cheat and a snare whatever the theory of its advocates.

In this magazine, continues Gompers, we have given our reasons, and sound ones, too, we believe, for labor to retain in its hands at all times the full force of its voting power over every official.

Housemaids Union

A housemaids' union was formed in Cleveland, O., in October, with a charter membership of twenty-five. The Cleveland newspapers have been printing that the domestics will ask three afternoons a week off, including Sunday afternoon, a 70-hour week, a wage scale in proportion to the size of the family, excess pay when there is company in the house, overtime for extra hours, and a minimum wage of $5 a week.

The union is a real thing and was organized by the secretary of the Cleveland Federation of Labor.

Timber Workers on Trial

Sixty members of the Brotherhood of Timber Workers, including A. L. Emerson, its president, are on trial at Lake Charles, La., on a murder charge. This is one of the most peculiar cases ever tried either in labor matters or outside of them.

In connection with labor difficulties last July at Grabow, La., there was a fight in which four men were killed, three of whom were members of the Brotherhood. Notwithstanding that the majority of the men that met death were the companions of the other Brotherhood members, the grand jury has seen fit to indict all sixty of the survivors as being responsible for the death of their comrades and that of a guard in the employ of the timber merchants, who also was killed.

The labor papers are making a great fuss about this on the claim that on the face of it the strikers could not have been responsible for the death of their comrades, but inasmuch as the grand jury heard the testimony, it is probable that the state of Louisiana will be willing to await the outcome of the trial.

Members of the Brotherhood have

memorialized President Taft to the effect that a state of war exists in the southern timber country, seeking to make a point that the Mexican situation ought not to trouble the government while there is difficulty at home.

CIGARMAKERS

Take Stand Against Industrial Unionism

The International Cigarmakers' union in convention at Baltimore, on Oct. 5, took a stand against "Industrial Unionism" and backed up the American Federation of Labor ideas of craft unionism. Evidently the cigarmakers think craft unionism twice stigmatized. Among other things, the pronouncement says:

The American Federation of Labor. realizes that there is still much to do, but it repudiates the insinuation which is implied by the term "Industrial Unionism", as it is employed in antagonism to "Trade Unionism". The advocates of so-called. "Industrial Unionism" imply in their slogan that the trade unions are rigid and do not advance, develop or expand, whereas the whole history of the trade union movement in the past thirty years has demonstrated beyond successful contradiction that there is not a day which passes in the trade union movement in America but which witnesses the highest and loftiest spirit of sacrifice in order to co-operate with our fellow workers for their interest and common uplift.

The stigma which advocates of socalled "Industrial Unionism" would attach to "Trade Unionism" is of a par with the stigma applied to the union shop when it is designated as the "closed shop".

In Six Languages

Samuel Gompers seems determined that his circulars on the importance of organizing the workers in the iron and steel industries shall be read and understood by foreigners. In The Weekly News Letter of the American Federation of Labor of Oct. 12, 1912, circulars Nos. 1 and 2 appear in English, Italian, Lithuanian, Hungarian, Slavonic and Polish.

Rev. Dr. Charles Bayard Mitchell, of Chicago, pastor of St. James Methodist Episcopal Church, preached a Labor Day sermon on the first Sunday in September that must have taken away the breath of any organized labor leader who might have heard him. Dr. Mitchell in his sermon recognizes the right of every man to work under conditions satisfactory to himself, and of an employer to hire anybody he likes, and furthermore, he showed himself against the minimum wage. Dr. Mitchell said in part:

It must be universally established that in this free country every man has a right to work for whom and for what wages he pleases. Compulsory membership in a trades union in order to secure employment is unAmerican and should not be tolerated. This, of all countries, ought to be a free country, but it cannot be free for the laboring man so long as he is not at liberty to enter into an arrangement for work which is perfectly satisfactory to himself. The great majority of laboring men in the United States today are not affiliated with any union. The minority have no right to dictate to this vast majority for whom they shall work and at what wage.

Every employer must have the right to decide whom he shall employ. The principle of the open shop to every man should prevail. It is most un-American to force a man to employ whom he does not want. The principle of the closed shop deprives the employer of the right to put his own son at work if he so wishes.

There is no sense or reason, much less any principle of justice, in the

attempt to dictate whom employers shall hire.

The great difficulty in enforcing the principle of compulsory arbitration. lies here; that in most instances capital is incorporated and has a legal standing, and can be held responsible for the carrying out of the conditions of the arbitration; but the employes are largely irresponsible and cannot be forced to meet the conditions of the settlement.

Labor should share with capital, not only its profits, but also its losses. Those who labor with their hands in the shop should feel that they have a common interest with the men who labor with their brains in the office.

The

Every laborer should be paid the wage he earns and not the wage another man earns. Every laborer should be paid according to his own worth, thus rewarding true merit and not putting a price on laziness or incompetency, as in the case of a uniform wage scale. Fair and honest as this statement appears, it is most bitterly opposed by nearly every trades union. Two things the trades unions deem absolutely essential to the success of their cause the closed shop and the uniform wage scale. labor leaders aver that they only stand for a minimum scale and that they insist that every man shall be paid a living wage and that no man shall be paid less than that amount. Yet an investigator knows that in most instances they have a maximum scale. according to which no man is allowed. to earn more per day than a given sum. In practical operation the principle is this; that every man should receive the same wages regardless of his merit or incompetency. This is but an outcrop of the Socialism which

is largely dominant in many unions. The disinterested student and onlooker can never be led to say that the uniform wage scale is anything else than a premium placed on incompetency.

No man must be regarded as possessing the right to quit his job and hold it at the same time. If he refuses to work, he has no right to prevent another man from taking the task he has voluntarily laid down. The people have a sense of fairness and will never sympathize with those who keep others from work. Any

man has a right to quit his job when he pleases; but he has no right to stand by with a club and prevent another man from taking the place in which he is unwilling longer to toil.

The whole principle of the boycott must be condemned. All efforts to call in the aid of others, who have no personal grievance, to join in the effort to destroy another's business, is both un-American and un-Christian. The law cannot be too strict in its dealings with such cases. The American people will never sympathize with an organization which adopts the principle of the boycott.

All employes who have been taken on during a strike should be given permanent places and not turned adrift as soon as settlement is made with those who threw up their work in the strike. Just as long as employers pursue such a course they must expect to see no end of labor troubles. From the viewpoint of an employer the position is untenable, unfair and unjust. It does the laboring man a great injustice so say to him that he must be the slave of an organization with which he does not care to be affiliated or he will never be able to find honest employment in the labor markets of the world.

TO EDUCATE MEN Detroit's Employers' Association and Board

of Education Co-operate

Co-operation between the Detroit, Mich., board of education and the employers of the city in technical and fundamental education of employes is

urged in a letter mailed Oct. 14, 1912, to every member of the Employers' Association of Detroit, by its secretary, John J. Whirl. The letter is in part as follows:

Circulars which we enclose announce, in a general way, the advantages extended in the evening classes at our public schools to those who wish instruction, to the boy, the junior who is learning his trade, to the mechanic who wishes to become more proficient, to the foreigner who desires a better knowledge of English and the elementary work of the schools, and in fact to every resident of Detroit or vicinity, man or woman, boy or girl, who wants to become a better citizen.

Particular attention is directed to the work carried on at the Cass Technical High School in the "Continuation" Classes. This department is devoted entirely to the training of apprentices employed in Detroit and nearby plants.

Instruction is given in mechanical drawing, shop mathematics, and shop practice in carpentry, joinery, patternmaking, and general machine shop

work. The two first mentioned studies as a rule are part of the work of every student. The shop practice includes the reading of drawings, the grinding and setting of tools, the laying out and setting up of work, the figuring of change gears, etc. Classes on other days and in other subjects. will be organized as required.

It is the recommendation of our apprenticeship committee that every member of our association arrange to have his apprentices attend the continuation classes at least one afternoon each week, and that these apprentices receive full pay for the time. they are at the school, provided, of course, they are regular in their attendance there.

The Cass Technical High School represents the first great step taken by Detroit in the line of industrial education. Many other cities have already established schools of this character. Practical industrial education has taken firm hold of the public mind. Right here in our own city it is now possible, at public expense,