weight of it. It would be quite useless until capital came and supported labor while it was doing the work, paying it well and taking all the risk of the loss should there be no gold in the mine after all. Labor stands by useless until it is taken in hand by industrial ability and capital and its force transformed into wealth.

UNION TYRANNY Man Puts Advertisement in New York Paper Denouncing it

"Trades Unions Must Go," is the title of a paid advertisement inserted. in the New York World on the morning of June 25, 1912, by John T. Addington. What constituted Mr. Addington's reasons for inserting the advertisement is probably unknown except to himself and possibly to his friends. Mr. Addington certainly takes an advanced stand against trade unions. His language is pronounced and in places extreme, but in much of what he says there is undoubted truth and his advertisement is here reproduced in part, nor is he asked to pay advertising rates for its insertion in THE AMERICAN EMPLOYER.

An effort was made to locate Mr. Addington and discover what his experience with trade unions has been, but his name is not to be found in the New York City directory. Mr. Addington's advertisement begins by saying:

"A trade union is a band of men who meet in secret and make rules affecting the pursuits, the children and the property of other men, then set out to enforce these rules by ruining an employer's business, destroying property, paralyzing industries, maiming and murdering. Trades unions are kept alive, to a great extent, by the goody-goodies who write and talk, but fail to think.

"When one mentions the evils of the unions, these will say in a sickly sort of way: 'You know labor has a right to unite.' Labor is a 'mental and physical effort'. Labor is something done, and something done cannot unite. Men can unite and men have a right to unite for social, religious craft or

for any other lawful purpose, and to make such rules as seem best for those who voluntarily join these organizations. To force these rules on others is criminal. Trade unions are, therefore, criminal organizations."

After discussing a type of public speaking on the labor situation, which the writer says he considers harmful, the advertisement runs :

"Speakers of this sort also talk of the 'rights of labor'. There is no such thing as 'the rights of labor'. There is such a thing as the rights of men, and no right of men should be held more sacred than their right to join or not to join organization, as they see fit.

"Men not familiar with union methods are sometimes heard to say, 'I would not join a union if I did not want to.' A workman said this and continued at his work. As he was going along the road, two shots rang out and men carried his lifeless body to his home.

"There are no crimes so hard to detect and punish as those of the trade unionists. Men are brought from afar and when the crime is committed, they are spirited away and every effort is made to conceal the crime.

"Trade unionists go before the legislative bodies saying they represent so many thousands. This they know. to be untrue. They know that most of the men in the union are there because compelled to be there to keep their families from being hounded and insulted; to keep their homes from being smashed in or to escape some other brutish treatment.

"The highwayman holds a man up on the road and will not let him pass until he has given the highwayman his money. The highwayman does not own the road on which the man is passing and has no right to his money. The trade unionist says to a man, 'You cannot work in this building unless you give me money.' The trade unionist does not own the building and has no right to the man's money. So the bulk of all the money the trade unionists use for state and national conventions and for various other purposes is got in the same way the highwayman gets his money."

"A boy," Mr. Addington says further along in his advertisement, "cannot learn a trade, excepting as they permit. * * * * * What

have they to do with another man's son? Nothing. How can they prevent a boy from learning a trade? They have many ways of enforcing this and other rules of the union all the way up to murder and the trade unionists have murdered thousands and brutally beaten and maimed many thousands to enforce their rules.

"Let us, then, hear no more of the use of the word labor for the employed nor of capital for the employer. Let us say trade union when we mean trade union, and trade unionist when we mean trade unionist. In dealing with this question, we must use the words that describe accurately the unions and their methods, for there is nothing more important than standing for the right of a boy to learn his trade and for the freedom of the

man.

"At the entrance of every place throughout the whole land, where men are employed, should be the words, 'A man to work for this company does not need to belong to any organization nor to give money to anyone'. With this right maintained, trade unionism with its hideousness will remain only as a memory."

KIPLING WRITES
Great English Author Handles the
Labor Question

Of all writers, Rudyard Kipling, the great, is at the forefront with an article severely condemnatory of organized labor as it handled the English coal strike. Kipling's story, entitled "The Benefactors", appeared in The American Magazine for July. In introducing it, an editor's note says in part:

"It may be that some of our readers will be surprised to get so fully, and in so powerful a form, the view of labor contained in this tale. To such readers the story will be particularly illuminating."

The point of "The Benefactors" is that innovations and inventions in all times have been forced by the evils that called for them and that union labor, as it operated in the coal strike, will accomplish a like result. A company is gathered in Hades at the change of the morning watch, when fires die down and pressures drop. One shade complains that he hit and bit everybody until someone found he could throw a stone further than the first man could reach with his fist. The stone thrower was in turn powerful, until the bow and arrow was invented. Then the man with the bow and arrow was ousted from position by armor. Armor was in turn deprived of power by gun powder. The subjects of the prince of darkness finally agreed that each was the real inventer of the thing that caused his own downfall because by his own conduct he had created a demand for it.

While this talk is going on, one of the tenants of the lower regions points to "A trim little figure in black broadcloth and starched linen that painfully descended tier after tier of the platforms and gratings that rise in illimitable perspective above the Auxiliary Furnaces. His neat boots slipped cruelly on the greasy floorplate of the last descent."

This new comer, replying to a question, says:

"I'm another victim to the cause of labor. Sugden's my name. Better known as Honest Pete. I've been bringing the community to its knees."

"Powder?" cries Sugden, scornfully. "Not at all! Power was our trick. We've starved the beggars! No cooking, no lighting, no heating, no travel, no traffic, no manufactures till they've made their peace with us! That's what we've done-all over England!"

"Have you burned them much?" he is asked.

"Contrariwise. We've put 'em in cold storage. Froze 'em out! Now by the look of you, it's quite possible you've 'eard talk of coal.'

Mr. Sugden, throwing back his frock-coat, takes the floor: "Well, comrades," he announces. "You'll ad

mit, I 'ope, that coal is power-and all. the power. There's no other way of getting power which means heat, light and-and power-except through coal. Therefore, as you can readily understand, the men who produce the coal 'ave the power and all the power in the 'ollow of their 'ands. Absolute

and unlimited power over the community."

Further explanations by Sugden, interrupted by comments from the others, run about thus:

"But as I was saying; that being realized, it only remained to organize the power. Which we did. We then issued a mandate that no more coal was to be produced by the producers till the community 'ad satisfied our demands.

* * * Only justice an' our rights. We weren't pleased with society as it existed. We were-or rather I should say we are goin' to reorganize society from top to bottom an' if the community don't like it, it can lump it. They can't make nothing, or yet move it after it's made. * * * * The luckiest of 'em will 'ave drawn out all their savin's so they won't be capitalists any more, an' the rest 'll be starved. All of 'em will thus be hot stuff for the real revolution. Because, between friends,

I

may tell you gents, that this little kick up of ours is only a dress parade for the Social Armageddon."

"Then

you starved women and children?" a Shade asks.

"War's war," Mr. Sugden replied. "We can't make exceptions. Besides we ain't fools. We took good care

to get ourselves protected by the Trades Disputes Act before we began. Are you aware that no action against any trades union for anything it sees fit to do in furtherance of a trade dispute shall be considered in any court of law?"

"You can take it from me, comrades," Sugden declares, "the unions are the government. Wait a little longer an' you'll see what we've done for our class."

Sugden is interrupted by his works which have followed him into Hades, starved babies, a gray-haired woman, who says, "I only ung myself on

Thursday," and a middle aged man who had committed suicide. To the last Sugden says: "Oh, get up, chum, an' you an' me'll go an' look for the cap'talist who brought you to this. I ain't responsible, s'welp me Gawd, I ain't."

Presently appears Satan himself. "Boys," his majesty says, "I want He's not you to appreciate our Pete. much to look at, but between you and me and the Pit, he's one of the world's greatest benefactors—just like yourselves. That's why I've put him in your watch. Pete has achieved what kings and armies and emperors and Pete has abolished popes couldn't.

coal all over the world as a source of power. Don't blush, my son. It's the devil's own truth. You've starved and frozen and ruined a few thousand. and what's better, you've perplexed and inconvenienced forty million people, till they were forced to think. They haven't done that since Napoleon's day. Yes, Pete. You set the best of forty million people in England alone, plus eight or nine hundred. million white men elsewhere, thinking hard how to avoid cold, darkness and starvation. You concentrated the master minds of the age on just one problem-how to do without coaland they've done it! * * * Your community, that you are so fond of, carried on with oil and patent fuels for a while just to ease off the pressure, and then they harnessed the tides -the greatest step since fire making." 'Taint possible," says Sugden. Taint in reason. An' for another thing, the boilermakers' union wouldn't

66

stand it."

"If you'll oblige me," Satan says to Sugden, "by hustling into that bunker (you needn't take your collar off) and trimming it until further orders, you may get some sense of the weight of your present responsibilities. Jump, my son! There are at present two hundred and eighty million tons per annum of coal in Great Britain alone, for which no one except ourselves has any use. You'll find every ounce of it there, Pete-two hundred and eighty million tons."

TACTICS OF I. W. W.

Writer in Outlook Describes How They
Inflict Damage

Walter V. Woehlke, in The Outlook, July 6, outlines the lawless tactics of the Industrial Workers of the World, in an article entitled "I. W. W.", about as well as any writer who has as yet undertaken it.

"Wherever the Industrial Workers of the World have become active," Woehlke writes, "a livid, white hot hatred has grown up; a snarling enmity; a bitter antagonism, wholly out of proportion with the size of the organization, has made itself felt.

"What is the reason for this hatred? Why are the Industrial Workers hated, feared, despised so violently?

"A few examples of I. W. W. tactics may help to supply the answer."

The

"Organizers of the I. W. W.," says the writer, "formed the Brotherhood of Timber Workers in the pine forests of the south. At once the employers locked out the Brotherhood members; made their men promise not to join the organization. Nevertheless the logcutters demanded higher wages. demand was refused, but the men did not strike. They stayed at work, but the logs cut by them were full of deeply driven spikes that ruined the teeth of a dozen band-saws a day. Orders for lumber of special sizes always fell a few inches short of the required dimensions, necessitating a new cut. Nuts were continually dropping off the spindles of the log carts; on the logging roads, one train after another was derailed through defective flanges; in the mills wobbly flywheels forced frequent shut-downs; manufacturing cost showed a steady increase. That was the Industrial Workers' reply to the lockout, to the denial of more pay."

Qusting a local I. W. W. leader, Woehlke writes: "Some of the gang down in the Imperial Valley tried to help 'em (strikers) cut the air hose on a couple of trains-but the fools wouldn't take the hint. They struck like gentlemen. They gave the boss

30 days notice, oiled the machines and covered them up nicely for the scabs. Fools. Easiest thing in the world to make a railroad come to time. They cannot guard the whole line, and it takes just a minute to drop a package of gold dust into the water tank. What will it do? There will be a laundry inside every engine that fills up from the gold dust tank and every one of them will have to go to the shops to have the boiler cleaned if they do not want the cylinder heads blown off. If the water tank is not handy, a little emery dust in the journal boxes, or a squirt of kerosene into the air-hose connection will do just as well. But those fools still have the 'honor' notion in their heads. Any one of the railway brotherhoods will scab on the other to protect their 'sacred' agreements, but they will not touch the 'holy' property of the boss; they will not hit him where the lives, in the pocket book. They have not sense enough for that-yet."

"Sabotage," the article declares, "spread over France like wild fire. With it came short, aggressive strikes, accompanied by attacks upon the employer's business. At a bakers' strike, for instance, a few quarts of kerosene were poured into the ovens. Mcst of them had to be torn down when, after three months, the odor of petroleum still adhered to the bread. In Amsterdam outside members of the union took the place of the strikers. They worked. soap, lumps of salt, rags, mice and cockroaches into the dough, until the master bakers hastened to grant the demands. In breweries a bottle of kerosene dropped "accidentally" into a vat containing hundreds of barrels of fermenting beer ruined the entire contents. Sulphuric acid sprayed over the looms in textile mills ate through the threads and stopped the machinery. Simply by turning the cocks in the pipes that conduct water to the cylinder jackets of the gasoline engines, Parisian strikers put hundreds of these small power plants out of commission. They covered transmission pulleys with soft soap, and robbed the plants of their power for hours at a time.

Dis

satisfied garment workers applied diluted sulphuric acid to the inside of the fabrics. Their work escaped detection until, a week or two later, the cloth literally fell apart. In every branch of French industry the workers developed a terrible ingenuity in devising novel methods safely to inflict damage."

Woehlke says that the warfare of the radicals spread throughout Latin Europe finding favor in Italy and Spain and Russia. Holland, Austria and England were also affected. In Germany alone few converts were found. The article says that:

"In one of the pamphlets sold by the Industrial Workers the writer relates with deep disgust how the striking coal miners of the Ruhr Valley in Germany appointed sentinels, marked by white bandages around the arm, from their own ranks to preserve order and protect property. The striking electricians of Berlin are accused of treason to the cause because their pickets, noticing an incipient blaze caused by a short circuit in a power plant, entered the plant and put out the flames before the arrival of the fire department. Nor can the Industrial Workers understand the action of the English and American miners in exempting the pumping plant engineers from the strike orders, that the water might be kept out of the shafts."

Discusses Progressives

Harold Banning, of Mt. Vernon, O., in a recent letter to the Cleveland News, says in part:

According to the so-called progressives, the founders of the nation were arrogant aristocrats and "plutes". It is rather amusing to hear these selfstyled progressives who cry that Alexander Hamilton dictated to Washington and the constitutional convention.

Socialists and progressives would abolish all constitutional checks and restraints, placing life, liberty and property at the mercy of the ballot boxes and the ignorant majority. Like the ancient Tory party, the so-called progressives would give government unlimited powers. Would it be a prog

ressive idea to rob widows and children by passing inheritance or death taxation? Would it be a progressive idea to drive business from Ohio by means of the tax on industry, known as the income tax?

He

A progressive physician once informed me that the people knew more about the science of government than scholars of political science simply because there were more of them. would not admit that the people or majority knew more about medicine than he did because doctors are in the minority. If numbers imply great wisdom, the Chinese and Hindoos would rule the world.

When progressives tell us a majority is infallible, they ignore the fact that civilization is the fruit of minority genius, not of majority ignorance. History condemns the majority. After reading progressive measures, we might well exclaim: "What fools ye mortals be!"

Kirby to Employers

Whether you are employers of labor or you are not, you are, each and every one, affected by the evil performances of the octopus known as the American Federation of Labor, which has made a criminal record for itself, blacker than any record made by any organization known to history.

With this menacing force abroad in the land it must be apparent to you that in this age of organization neither the business man nor the manufacturer can stand alone; that it takes organization to cope with organization, and that it is only through organization. that your right to do business in a lawful manner, without being subjected to the domination of impudent and oppressive labor unionists, can be preserved and your manhood saved from constant humiliation; that it is only through organization that the enactment of much of the uneconomic and drastic proposed legislation inimical not only to business men, but to the people as a whole, and which is at all times in evidence, can be averted.John Kirby Jr., president of the National Association of Manufacturers in an address.