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heels with startling suddenness. A new political generation has come upon the scene, and it finds itself confronted by new and unfamiliar problems. Strong, virile personalities have contended together in the political arena for public favor and support, while the whole world has lookt on. The war with Spain, which fourteen years ago was unthought of, has past into history, and as its result, peoples and lands at once distant and dependent, have been brought under American rule. The phenomenal growth of industry, transportation, and commerce has put a new face upon many old questions, and has proposed some new ones as well. For these reasons alone, without pausing to add others which at once suggest themselves, the burden of responsibility resting upon American citizenship is today greater than it has been at any earlier time.
Several imposing political antinomies confront us. The natural desire to develop foreign commerce, and to enrich our people thereby, finds itself face to face with the determined purpose to throw the protecting arm of government about domestic industry. The definite wish to attract to our shores the ambitious and the worthy from all the world is held in check by the stubborn weight of the race problem, the roots of which are deep down in the nature of man. The purpose to keep open to every individual all possible avenues of usefulness and all possible opportunities for lawful acquisition, is opposed by the determination not to permit the development under law of great organizations, powerful enough to bend the law to their own purpose and to control the state itself. If fourteen years ago it was natural to discuss the principles which determine educational values, tonight it is equally natural to discuss the principles which underlie and control good citizenship.
The American citizen at the beginning of the twentieth century has something more to do than to face, and if possible to solve, these contemporary problems, complicated and difficult as they are. He has also, and first of all, to preserve and protect those underlying principles of civil and political liberty which were established by the fathers, and which have been handed down to him as the basis on which the whole fabric of this Republic rests. To fail to solve the problems of today would certainly damage, and perhaps destroy, the fundamental principles of Anglo-Saxon institutions. On the other hand, to solve those problems in ways that antagonize and contradict the great insights of the past two thousand years, which insights have crystallized into forms of liberty and modes of government as familiar and as necessary as the air we breathe, would be not to solve them at all, but only to postpone and to complicate their possible solution.
It is plain, then, that the educational instrumentalities of the country, schools, colleges, and universities alike, have before them here a task which takes precedence of all questions of school organization and management, of programs of study and curriculum, of teachers' salaries and tenure of office, of general versus vocational training, of secondary and ancillary questions of every sort—the task, namely, of preparing intelligent American citizens to take up each his own share of the nation's responsibilities.
The unrest which is abroad in the world, and which is found alike in Europe and in America, in the unchanging East as well as in the restless and rapidly-moving West, is in no small part due to the lack of understanding of what is going on in the world and what has gone on hitherto. What one does not understand, first perplexes, then annoys, and finally antagonizes him. It is not true, as some hold, that the world's unrest is traceable in last analysis to physical hunger. Probably there never were so few hungry men as there are today. Civilization may have its faults, but lack of ability to uplift the masses of the population and to offer them opportunity is not one of them. The world has been for more than a hundred years under the spell of abstract principles, admirable in themselves, and yet the world in large measure lacks the ability or the capacity so to organize itself and its business that those principles shall find just and equable expression. Everywhere old beliefs, old traditions, and old customs are giving way before the corroding tooth of time, and as the time-honored creeds, political, social, and religious, lose their hold, others equally controlling and imperative do not come forward to take their place. Immense masses of men are left, therefore, with almost boundless opportunities for good or evil, but without guiding principles with which to work. This leads to intellectual, political, and moral restlessness.
There are many who feel that the rising generation of Americans is growing up without any proper knowledge of the fundamental principles of American institutions and American government. Because of this lack of knowledge, wellmeaning men lend ear quite too readily to demagogs who propose to them all sorts of schemes without any relation, save one of antagonism, to established political principles. From listening to demagogs, it is but a short and easy step to a state of mind in which envy, greed, and hate are elevated to the lofty place which should be occupied by respect and confidence, as well as by political insight, political knowledge, and political experience. The Americans of an earlier day got their training in the fundamental principles of citizenship from the stern facts which faced them. This was the school in which the nation's fathers were educated. During the early part of the nineteenth century the task of nation-building went on apace, and the discussion of fundamental principles was always to the fore in the Congress as well as before the people. Then came the great clash of arms in civil war, and principles were yet turned to for guidance and direction. Men sought even to stay and to turn back the tide of battle with the force of logic.
Today, however, one hears much less of these fundamental principles. There are those among us, some of them in places of responsibility and great influence, who call them outworn, antiquated, obstacles to popular government, and who would substitute the passing desire of today for the carefully wrought design of all time. Men now talk with straight faces of substituting rude and primitive justice for the orderly procedure of law, apparently with no recognition of the fact that this substitution means to plunge man and his highest interests back into barbarism, and to reestablish the time when might made right. The courts are attacked as usurpers of an authority which the people themselves have given them for the people's own protection. The carefully built guards which have been put about individual rights and liberties are denounced as fortresses of privilege by those who seek privileges for themselves at the expense of the rights of others.
There are only two really deep-seated and influential enemies of human happiness and human order, ignorance and selfishness. These do pretty much all the damage that is done in the world, and they are the always present obstacles to improving the condition of mankind. It is the province of intellectual education to address itself to the first of these, and it is the task of moral education to deal with the other. If men's eyes could only be really opened to an understanding of how the civilization of the world has been won; if they could be brought to see the significance of each step, taken however long ago, on the upward path of man's development; if they could recognize that the perplexities of today are due chiefly, if not entirely, to lack of adjustment between the ruling principles which are at work in human life and the circumstances of the moment, and not to the imperfection or unwisdom of those principles, they would be able to pass juster and wiser judgments upon the questions submitted for arbitrament to them as citizens. If men could only be led to appreciate the distinction between selfishness and selfhood; to see the richness and fulness of nature which come from service; and to realize that the highest expression and the greatest conquest which a human personality can attain is thru finding its ideals and its satisfactions in promoting the happiness and the interests of its kind, the task of government would be easy indeed.
In all parts of the world there are those who feel this so strongly that, in order to gain what seems to them to be a desirable end for the whole body politic, they would strike at the roots of human individuality and deprive it of the favoring soil in which alone it can grow. If they were to succeed in this endeavor, they would not mend matters at all. On the contrary, they would make them worse. It is not less individuality that we need, but fewer self-centered individuals. It is not less private property that we need, but private property more widely distributed and fewer men who treat their hoards as misers rather than as trustees. Human individuality and personality will blossom anew and more richly if planted in the garden of service.
If one, seeking to know the story of civilization, casts his eye back over the pages of recorded history, he will find that the record of progress can be written in a single sentence. It is the development of liberty under law. Liberty and law are the two words upon whose true and faithful exposition all training for citizenship must rest. He who truly understands the meaning of liberty and the meaning of law, and the relation of one to the other, is ready to face his full duty as an American citizen.
It is a sorry travesty upon the serious business of training for citizenship, that it should be thought that we can make citizens by teaching the external facts relating to the machinery of government alone. A knowledge of how government works in this and other lands is highly important and of course helpful. But this knowledge may be minute and complete and yet be unaccompanied with any real grip on the principles that vitalize free government everywhere.
An admirable book for training in the fundamentals of citizenship could be written in three parts: the first to deal with, to describe, and to illustrate the conception of Liberty; the second, to deal with, to describe, and to illustrate the conception of Law; and the third, to outline in simple fashion the agencies which the American people have created in order that Liberty and Law may strengthen each other.
Liberty is the freedom from all restraints but those which the lawful rights of others impose. Liberty, therefore, attaches to man as a social and political animal. It relates to his conduct and opportunities as a member of a body politic. Liberty contradicts and denies license just as completely as it contradicts and denies tyranny. To escape from restraints other than those imposed by the lawful rights of others, men have made every conceivable sacrifice. To be permitted to hold opinions of one's own choosing, to pursue the calling of one's own preference, to move about as inclination and oppor