as I had proposed, on a new and more extensive field of historical labor with these impediments, I cannot say. Perhaps long habit, and a natural desire to follow up the career which I have so long pursued, may make this in a manner necessary, as my past experience has already proved that it is practicable.

From this statement-too long, I fear, for his patience-the reader, who feels any curiosity about the matter, will understand the real extent of my embarrassments in my historical pursuits. That they have not been very light will be readily admitted, when it is considered that I have had but a limited use of my eye, in its best state, and that much of the time I have been debarred from the use of it altogether. Yet the difficulties I have had to contend with are very far inferior to those which fall to the lot of a blind man. I know of no historian, now alive, who can claim the glory of having overcome such obstacles but the author of La Conquete de l'Angleterre par les Normands,' who, to use his own touching and beautiful language, has made himself the friend of darkness,' and who, to a profound philosophy, that requires no light but that from within, unites a capacity for extensive and various research that might well demand the severest application of the student."

The materials for the history, we are informed, were drawn mostly from the archives of the Royal Academy of History, at Madrid, and were collected simultaneously with those of the "Conquest of Mexico." Manuscripts. and materials have also been collected from other quarters, and altogether worked up, in the manner indicated in our author's Preface, into one of the most splendid works of modern historians.

Mr. Prescott commences with an interesting account of the extent of the Peruvian Empire; the topography of the country; the character of the people, and their condition, social, religious and political. We are presented with a glowing picture of a vast empire of industrious and frugal people, governed by a race of Incas, in a manner at once paternal and absolutely despotic. The people enjoyed plenty and ease, while their industry had accumulated vast national wealth. Of a warlike and sagacious character, their emperors, succeeding each other regularly and uninterruptedly during a period of four centuries, had successively extended the bounds of their. empire over neighboring nations, until it absorbed all the Pacific slope of the Andes, from the 2d degree north to the 37th degree south latitude; yet this warlike and powerful chief, at once the supreme ruler of the nation and the object of its religious worship, while at the head of an immense army, amidst the impregnable fastnesses of his native mountains, at the zenith of his power, is suddenly seized by a Spaniard at the head of some 200 marauders, dropped as it were from the clouds, and executed; his army dispersed; his empire subverted; and his people given over to the dominion of strangers forever.

From amidst the variety of traditions and accounts embodied in the unreliable manner of the Spanish ecclesiastics, Mr. Prescott has sought the thread of the origin and descent of the Inca race. Tradition carries their advent back 400 years before the conquest, and some writers have given them a reign of 550 years; but inasmuch as that all accounts agree in the reign of thirteen Inca princes before this conquest, Mr. Prescott is inclined to suppose that two and a half centuries would be nearer the truth. It would appear that the domestic policy of the Peruvians approached the social organization of Fourier more than that of most nations. The lands were held on the plan of equal division, in a manner that must excite the admiration of a National Reformer. All the lands were divided into three services. 1st. For the sun, was set apart a sufficient quantity to support the gorgeous worship of that luminary, which formed the religion of the country. 2d. A sufficient quantity was assigned to support the Inca, his royal state, numerous kindred and household, and the wants of govern

ment. All the remainder of the lands was distributed per capita among the people, who were subject to a new division every year. Every Peruvian was compelled to marry at a certain age; a lot of land was then assigned to him and his wife, and the district in which he lived furnished him a house. As his family progressed through births, an additional quantity of land was assigned him; or if death diminished his family, his domain was curtailed in proportion. All these three divisions of land were cultivated wholly by the able-bodied people. The lands of the sun were the first attended to; this was in the nature of a church tax. Next, those of the old, the rich, the widow, the orphan, or the soldier on duty; these were "poor rates and war taxes." Next, every man worked his own land, and lastly those of the Inca. By these means all the people were furnished with food. As under such a system there could be none destitute, so could there be none rich. The chief manufacture was the spinning and weaving of wool and cotton. All the sheep were appropriated exclusively to the sun and to the Inca, but were reared by the people. At the proper season they were all sheared, and the wool deposited in the public magazines; from thence it was distributed among the people in quantities sufficient to clothe each family; when that was done, cloth was to be made for the Inca according to orders. The officers appointed to attend to this, were also empowered to compel the labor and see that each family did its share. The mines were the property of the Inca, and worked for his account; all gold and silver were reserved for his use-money being as well unknown as unwanted. The most stupendous public works, roads, bridges and buildings, were also constructed by these people, in a manner to excite the astonishment of the beholder of their remains in the present day. Large magazines of food and clothes, consisting of the surplus proceeds of the general industry, were accumulated in all sections of the country. A solid and well-constructed stone causeway extended throughout the empire, and furnished the means of rapid communication from the most remote quarters, by means of runners, with the central government at Cusco. The mineral resources of Peru were immense, and have, since their development, had great influence upon commercial affairs throughout the world. This empire and these people, bound together by one language, one religion, and a singularly searching and inquisitive government of the most despotic form, had arrived at great prosperity at the commencement of the sixteenth century, but were singularly ignorant of all beyond the limit of their own rule, and were totally unknown to nations that had lived and thrived within a short distance of them. Their industry had drawn large quantities of gold and silver from the mines, and accumulated, to them, more useful wealth in the public magazines. At this period the Inca Huayna Copac came to the throne. He was a warlike and capable prince, and under him the state of Quito, which already rivalled Peru in wealth and refinement, was brought under the sceptre of the Incas. In his latter days, this prince got rumors of singular strangers, endowed with strange powers, having appeared in the north, and in their superior civilization he apprehended the worst to his power. This prince had two favorite sons by different mothers, Huascar and Atahuallpa; to the former he bequeathed Peru, and to the latter his conquest, Quito, when he died, about the year 1525, and for the first time the power of the Inca crown became divided. The two Incas soon quarreled, and Atahualpa invaded Peru, defeated Huascar, imprisoned him, and slaughtered his kindred with circumstances of great atrocity, and remained master of the empire.

It is remarkable that this populous country, with its warlike chief, great wealth and advanced state of society, should have been as ignorant of the

existence of a similar empire on the northern continent, as were the Mexicans uninformed of their southern neighbors. At the time of the conquest of Mexico, central America and the islands swarmed with Spanish military adventurers, whose chief attraction was the gold with which it was supposed the new world abounded; yet none of these had crossed the land to the Pacific. In 1511, it is related while Balboa, the discoverer of the Southern Ocean, was weighing some gold collected from the natives, a young chief struck the scale with his fist and exclaimed, "If this is what you prize so much that you are willing to leave your homes, and risk even life itself for it, I can tell you of land where they eat and drink out of golden vessels, and gold is as cheap as iron is with you." This was supposed to be the first distinct notice which the Spaniards had of Peru; and shortly after Balboa penetrated across the isthmus and discovered the Pacific. Here further rumors were obtained in relation to the great southern empire, and the colony of Panama was founded. This colony became the focus for adventurers, and many expeditions were fitted out for northern discoveries, and one ineffectually took a southern direction. Repeated disappointment had considerably blunted the credulity of adventurers, and confidence began to be less easily excited in enterprises, where expense, danger, and great hardships were certain, and success very problematical. Three men were found, however, whose indomitable spirit, great courage and experienced life, peculiarly fitted them for conquest, and they became convinced of the existence of a great southern country where gold abounded. Of these, Fran

cisco Pizarro was the chief. He was a native of Spain; had been from his youth up a military adventurer; had served in Italy and in various expeditions in the new world, and was, in 1522, a comparatively destitute and illiterate adventurer in Panama, 51 years of age. The second was Diego de Almagro, a Spanish soldier of fortune, somewhat older than Pizarro; and the third, Hernando de Luque, a clergyman. These three individuals united in the singular business of discovering and conquering empires. The two soldiers contributed what they had to fit out an expedition, but the priest was the capitalist, furnishing most of the funds. Almagro was, as it were, the commissary to fit out the vessels, and Pizarro the commander of the expedition. A small force of about 100 men were recruited among the desperate adventurers at Panama, and in November, 1524, Pizarro sailed. Almagro was to follow in another vessel as soon as possible. This expedition encountered incredible hardships, and met with no success. Pizarro, after being joined by Almagro, was compelled to remain in a dangerous spot, and send the latter back to the Governor for aid. On his arrival at Panama, Almagro could obtain nothing further from the Governor than his sanction to the enterprise. But the associates then entered into a solemn contract, by which de Luque was to advance, in gold, 20,000 pesos, equal perhaps to $200,000 in the present day; and the two captains were to prosecute the undertaking with due diligence, and they pledged themselves to reimburse de Luque if they failed in their contract. On these considerations the whole proceeds of the adventure, lands, treasures, rents, vassals and emoluments of all kinds, were to be divided in equal thirds, one for each partner. This contract was signed by responsible persons on behalf of Pizarro and Almagro, neither of whom could read or write. A new armament was then fitted out and met with but little better success. After the most incredible hardships, and the collection of some specimens of gold from the natives, it was decided that Almagro should again return to Panama, leaving Pizarro with his force to await his return on the Island of Gallo. His followers had become disgusted and wished to return, which he refused; and they sent secretly a letter, complaining that they were detained against their will, to

perish in the wilderness. This fell into the hands of the Governor, who was so much incensed at the results, that so far from giving the further aid asked, he sent an officer with two vessels to order home Pizarro and his This officer found the adventurers in the last stage of destitution and misery. "Half naked, and pining with famine, there were few in that little band who did not feel the spirit of enterprise quenched within them."

men.

Pizarro, however, received advices from his associates, that if he remained firm they could send him aid. It was then that the greatness of his soul

burst forth.

"Drawing his sword, he traced a line with it on the sand from east to west. Then turning towards the south, friends and comrades,' he said, 'On that side are toil, hunger, nakedness, the drenching storm, desertion and death; on this side, ease and pleasure. There lies Peru with its riches; here Panama and its poverty. Choose each man, what best becomes a brave Castilian. For my part I go to the south.'"'

Twelve men promptly crossed with him to abide his fortunes, the rest returned. But those thirteen were the conquerors of Peru. They remained, enduring privations for seven months, until the Pilot Ruiz arrived with a small vessel, but without recruits. In this vessel the voyage was prosecuted and the discovery of Peru completed. Pizarro then returned to Panama, where he was greeted by his confederates with joy; but their means were exhausted, and the Governor refused aid. In this extremity Luque proposed that Pizarro should go to Spain, and lay the matter before the imperial gov

ernment.

This resulted like most such applications, in the liberal grant of title, and the right to do that which, had they possessed the means, would have been done without the government; but no means were bestowed. The "capitulation," as it was styled, with the government, conferred the chief posts and commands on Pizarro, to the exclusion of his confederate Almagro; and this led to dissensions between them, on the return of Pizarro, who endeavored to assure Almagro that the Emperor forced them upon himself; but the opinion is that Pizarro defrauded his companions. The difficulties were, however, healed for a time. The " capitulation" bound Pizarro to raise 250 men, one hundred from the colonies, and sail for Panama in six months; the government to furnish some supplies of artillery and military stores. Having signed the instruments, Pizarro visited his native town, and began to enlist men. Among the first who joined him were his four brothers, Francisco Martin, Juan, Gonzalo and Hernando, who were all very poor and very proud. Great difficulty was encountered in raising the means; and it is said that the aid of Hernando Cortes alone perfected the contract. Ultimately Pizarro sailed with part of the armament for Panama, in January, 1530, to be followed by his brother Hernando, with the remainder. On their arrival in Panama, the old contract was confirmed by the three confederates. After their mutual jealousies were healed, the expedition was forwarded. After raising all the recruits possible in the colonies, the force amounted to 180 men and 27 horses, in three vessels. Although well armed and equipped, one cannot but smile at such a force to conquer a distant empire. The third expedition started January, 1531, and soon came to anchor in the Bay of St. Mathews, in latitude one degree north, where they landed, and sent the vessels along the coast. The advancing Spaniards soon came to a thick settled hamlet, and stormed it at once; the flying people leaving large quantities of gold and precious stones in the hands of the invaders. A considerable quantity of large emeralds fell into the hands of the soldiers, who were porsuaded by one of the missionaries, Father Pedrosa, that real emeralds

could not be broken; and many of them submitted to this test were broken with hammers. As they, therefore, were looked upon as of little value, the good Father was enabled to carry a large number back to Panama on his own account. The largest portion of this plunder Pizarro sent back, in order to tempt recruits by the sight of the gold. The troops then advanced with various success along the coast, and received some supplies from a vessel which arrived under the command of de Soto, who afterwards made a famous exploration of the Mississippi. Pizarro then founded the colony of San Miguel de Piura. During his stay he learned important intelligence in regard to the political condition of Peru. He ascertained the result of the conflict between the brothers; that the victor, Atahuallpa, was encamped with his army at a distance of twelve days march, and he was somewhat startled at the accounts of the power and splendor of the victorious monarch. His force with its reinforcement amounted to 250 men; of these, fifty were required for the new settlement, and there remained 200 wherewith to meet the victorious Inca, and wrest his sceptre from his grasp. Yet he decided to march at once against the Inca. History scarcely presents a parallel to the boldness of this undertaking. To land in the midst of a populous country with a handful of men, and march into the interior to meet a powerful prince at the head of his army, trusting to fortune for the result, was a most desperate stake; and yet its very audacity was probably the only means of its success. After years of toil and hardship, he staked his all upon the cast, and won. The Inca, it would seem, was curious himself to see the wonderful strangers, of whose movements his messengers kept him accurately informed, and he allured them into the heart of the country, that he might be amused with them and crush them at his leisure. They therefore encountered no opposition as they advanced, but were met by the messengers of the Inca with friendly greeting.

On the fifth day's march, Pizarro mustered 110 foot and 67 horse, in good condition. The commander thought, however, that he detected signs of dissatisfaction in a few, and he determined to root it out before it spread. He therefore mustered them, and informed them that a crisis was approaching that required all their courage, and that no man should think of going forward without firmness of purpose; that if any wished to go back they should share the lands and vassals in San Miguel, which he wished to see in a stronger state of defence, &c. Nine men only accepted this remarkable offer and went back. The bold commander, who had thus weeded his corps, advanced with greater confidence. After great hardships and various vicissitudes, the little corps finally confronted the Inca. As the adventurers emerged on the eastern slope of the Andes, their eyes saw for miles in extent the white tents of the opposing troops, and the stoutest bosoms heaved more quickly at the sight. The Christian cavalcade was doubtless a matter of astonishment to the Indians. Pizarro, forming his corps into three divisions, marched down the slopes and entered the city of Caxamalca, amidst a concourse of warriors and astonished natives gazing at the strange soldiers. Here Hernando Pizarro and de Soto, as ambassadors from their commander, had an interview with the Inca, who promised to visit Pizarro on the following day. This was the crisis of the enterprise.

"Taking, then, a respectful leave of the Inca, the cavaliers rode back to Caxamalca, with many moody speculations on what they had seen-on the state and opulence of the Indian monarch-on the strength of his military array-their excellent appointments, and the apparent discipline in their ranks; all arguing a much higher degree of civilization, and consequently of power, than anything they had witnessed in the lower regions of the country. As they contrasted all this with