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Explanatory Message.

[APRIL 21, 1834. Mr. EWING said, the gentleman from Georgia was

Mr. CALHOUN said, the motion to print a papier, promistaken, if he supposed the resolutions of the Senatur posed to be offered for adoption, was one of those mofrom Mississippi were moved at all. They were mere- tions which were frequently made in the ordinary course ly laid on the table, to be taken up hereafter, when gen. of business. tlemen would have an opportunity of presenting their Mr. FORSYTH said, he might be mistaken, but it had views on the subject to which they related. He would occurred to him that the motion of the honorable Senator make an observation or two, with respect to what fell from Mississippi, to print the resolutions, which were from the honorable Senator from Georgia That gen. hereafter to be presented to the Senate, must go on the tleman had said, that it would be extremely unjust in the Journals. He (Mr. F.) took it for granted that the mesSenate to put upon its Journals the resolutions condem-sage, as well as the resolutions, would be put upon the natory of the protest, without that paper. Now, the Journals of the Senate. With respect to what had been honorable Senator could not have attended to the pro- said by the gentleman from Ohio, he was entirely mistest, or he would have discovered that the President taken. The President had done justice to the Senate, says he has entered it on the Executive Journal, as con- whose resolutions were spread in broad characters on the demnatury of the resolution of the Senate. The Senate protest. So that posterity would be able so see all the had not requested him to do it, and took it for granted it transaction. was not done. Je had, no doubt, consulted his own Mr. CLAYTON said, that was the first time he bad convenience by placing it there, as it would serve as a ever heard of the Executive Journals of the President, in reference. But, as for putting his protest on the Jour- which he might enter and record his manifestoes, or the nals of the Senate, he (Mr. B.) could not consent, be-resolutions either of this or the other House of Congress. cause it strongly reflected on their resolutions.

But with this, he (Mr. C.) had, at present, nothing to do. Mr. POINDEXTER said, he took the same view of He rose for the purpose merely of expressing his surprise the subject as the honorable Senator from Ohio; that, at the sentiment advanced by the gentleman from Georalthough the protest should not be recorded on their Jour-gia, that the paper sent to the Senate this morning renals, it was entered on the Executive Journal. It was a tracted nothing of what was stated in the original protest. part of the archives of the State Department, and the The principal argument of the first protest stood on this resolutions he had offered to the Senate would be no- ground—that the Executive was entiiled, by the constituthing more than an explanation to posterity, showing the tion, to the care of the public money, in defiance of any grounds upon which it refused to receive the paper. act of Congress. The honorable Senator from Virginia, That was all. It was an extra-official document, and and other gentlemen who spoke on Thursday and Friday such a one as could not be made to either House of last, contended that, if that was constitutional law, the neCongress, and therefore ought not to be received. Hecessary inference to be drawn from it was, that should had shaped his resolutions so as to speak in general both Houses of Congress order a restoration of the determs of the paper, in order that hereafter it might be posites by a constitutional majority of two-thirds; still, the adverted to without difficulty. He would not, at present, President having the custody of the money, had the powgo into any discussion on the subject, but would merely er to retain it. He (Mr. č.) understood what was the move that the last message be laid on the table. object of sending to the Senate this supplementary mes

Mr. P. then offered his resolutions, as follows, and sage. The President, having found out that such' sentimoved that they be printed.

ments as were contained in his first communication, relaResolved, That the President, in transmitting the pa- tive to this topic, would not be very palatable to the peoper which he did to the Senate, on the 17th instant, ple, had attempted to explain away at least a part of his

be Executive protest against a resolution passed by the Sen. exceptionable feature in the document, and one which, if ate, made a communication not authorized by the consti- acquiesced in by the American people, would at once tution, nor warranted by that mutual interchange of com- reduce this Government to a despotism. It was a docmunications which the discharge of official duties renders trine, the principles of which, if admitted now, would necessary and proper between the legislative departments give the uncontrollable right to the present President, as of the Government.

well as all future Presidents, over the public purse, in adResolved, That the President, in the paper above re. dition to the sword of the nation. It would tax even the ferred to, assumes powers in relation to the Senate not ingenuity of the honorable gentleman from Georgia himauthorized by the constitution, and calculated, in its con- self, were he to take the sentences contained in the first sequences, to destroy that harmony which ought to exist protest, and read them in parallel columns with sentences between the co-ordinate departments of the General Gov. in the message which had been sent to the Senate that ernment; to interfere with the Senate in the discharge of morning, to make a plausible explanation of the one, its duties; to degrade it in the public opinion; and, finally, consistently with the doctrines contained in the other. to destroy its independence, by subjecting its rights and The honorable Senator from Georgia had designated it a duties to the determination and control of the Chief mere "explanation,” and he (Mr. C.) should not quarrel Magistrate.

with any one about the term. lle considered this paper " Resolved, That the communication of a paper of such as retracting, withdrawing much of what had been boldly a character, with the declarations that accompanied it, is claimed in the other; and he heartily concurred with the a plain, an open breach of the constitutional rights and gentleman from South Carolina, that it was to the stand privileges of the Senate, and that it cannot be received taken in that Senate they were indebted for a restoration by the body, without a surrender of the just powers con- of even so much of the constitution and laws. fided to it by the constitution, in trust, to secure the lib- Yes, sir, this paper was received in such a spirit as bad erty and promote the prosperity of these States, and satisfied the Executive, that the doctrines which it conwhich the members are bound to maintain under the sa- lained would not be sustained by the free people of this cred obligation of an oathi.

country. What course the Senate would take with reResolved, therefore, that the paper be not received by gard to the protest, in which there was still left so many the Senate."

objectionable features, he knew not. The President Mr. KING wished to know whether the resolutions still denied the constitutional right of the Senate to conpresented by the Senator from Mississippi were offered consider his prerogative or executive power, and to de. for consideration, or merely informally? If they are bate upon it, much more to express an opinion by a vote laid on the table, they must be before the Senate. with respect to its extent. That was a principle which

April 21, 1834.]
Explanatory Message.

[SexATE. the President must fully and clearly retract, before he of the conduct of ministers of the crown! Yet they have (Mr. C.) should become satisfied with the document. His the power, and the sole power, of trying impeachments. next message must contain an acknowledgment of the The Senate has an undoubted right, in my opinion, to exright of the Senate to express its opinion, by resolutions press its opinions on the public conduct of executive of or otherwise, as to it may seem best, defining the limits ficers. The contingency, that it may be called on to try of his power for its own government, before such a docu- an impeachment, is no bar to the exercise of this right. ment would become palatable to him (Mr. C.) and meet Doubiless there may be cases in which the propriety of with his concurrence for its reception; and as a doubt, in its exercise might be much influenced by the considerathe opinion of many, is still left as to his entire meaning in tion that the Senate held the power of judging on imthis supplemental message, his next must, without any peachment. But this is matter of discretion. In every equivocation, distinctly renounce all claim to the uncon- case, the Senate must proceed upon its own sense of protrolled power over the public purse, before it can be priety and justice. There may be, sometimes, good reaadapted to the taste of the freemen of this country, son to refrain from expressing opinions, and sometimes

Mr. WEBSTER rose. He said he had arrived the there may be the highest propriety in expressing, such city and resumed his seat since the debate began, and he opinions in the strongest manner. The right of doing so rose to say that he thought the transmission of this pro- is clear, and is not to be disputed. The possession of test to be one of the most important and ominous occur. judicial power does not abridge the legislative power of rences of these extraordinary times. It is, said Mr. W., the Senate. It does not take away any of its rights as a a communication of so anomalous a character, in the first representative body. place, that it perplexed the discrimination of the Senate Sir, the President of the United States has been mis. to know what preliminary disposition to make of it. Some led. He is uninformed, or misinformed, as to the real are for receiving it, others are against receiving it, al- state of opinion in the country. I fear there are those though it has been read, and its contents commented on. who share his confidence, and who present to liis view It seems te hang, at present, in a pendulous condition, be only one side of things. The state of the country is tween reception and rejection. It has no resting place. alarming. Members of the Senate, who have not been It is like the cofin of Mahomet, suspended between hea- out of this city for five months, are not aware of the ven and earth, as unfit to go bigher, and finding no prop-depth and strength of the public feeling. I should like er abiding place below. But I am unwilling that the to know what advisers have recommended to the Presidiscussion of this great and grave topic should be embar. dent to send us this protest. Its circulation through the rassed by questions of form. I am obliged to the mem-country will add fuel to feelings already sufficiently enber from Mississippi for the strong grasp which he laid kindleil. The President has around him the heads of deon the principles of this paper, at its first appearance, but partments. Can any body tell us whether any of those as to the form of proceeding with it, I confess I should leads, a:d if any, which of them, advised to send this have preferred to kave passed over the question of re. paper to the Senate? Or which of them, if any, sal by, ception, and gone at once to the substantial character neither assenting nor dissenting, afraid to speak their of the protest itself. It is too interesting, and will prove minds, or unwilling to hazard their places? 80-too exciting, and will prove so—to go from the Sen- Sir, it is not without some color of reason that the ate, till it shall have received such discussion and such re- President, in this paper, speaks of the heads of departply as it is entitled to.

ments as his Secretaries. One-half of them have never It is said that the paper is indecorous, and justly offen- been confirmed by the Senate. Three of them, usually sive to the self-respect of the Senate; but there is much called members of the cabinet, being one-half of the more in it than indecorum, or want of respect to the Sen- whole, were appointed last year, in the recess of Conate; and I think we shall best consult the character of this gress, and now, when we are near the end of the fisth body, and better fulfil the expectation of the country, by month of the session, their appointments have not been going at once to the dangerous assertions of power which sent to the Senate for confirmation. This is a thing bethe paper sets up, and fully exposing those claims of pow. fore altogether uuheard of. I hesitate not to say that er to the people. The President denies that this House, this course is derogatory to the rights of the Senate, and or indeed either House of Congress, has any right to ex- inconsistent with the intent and spirit of the constitution. press any opinion upon bis conduct, except by way of It is altogether without precedent. Other Presidents impeachment. This is, indeed, new and startling. That have felt it their duty, when they have made appointin a popular representative government, the repre- ments in the recess, to send them to the Senate immedisentatives of the people may not express their opinions ately upon its assembling. Usually such nominations upon measures of the executive power, is a doctrine, 1 come to us the first ten or twelve days of the session. It believe, now, for the very first time put forth. Who has has rarely happened that they have been delayed as long cver lieard of it before? Though this right is denied to as a month. But near five months have now elapsed, and either llouse, the President's reasons are urged mainly yet these nominations are not sent to us. When they do against the right of the Senate, and the chief reason is, come, I hope we shall know who has approved the senddiat the Senate are judges in cases of impeachment, and ing of this protest. I hope we shall learn who has made that, therefore, until impeachment come, it should be si- hiinself partaker in it, by positive sanction or silent aclent. But this objection, it is obvious, would stop the quiescence. mouth of the Senate, with respect to every other offi- Sir, I will not now discuss the assertions, the pretencer of the Government, as well as the President, be sions, the dangers, of this protest. Others are in pos. cause all officers are equally impcachable, and the Sen. session of the debate. I do not see that the case is alate must try all impeachmenis.

tered by this codicil. The whole measure is of an alarm. I know not, sir, who drew this protest, but whoever ing character. It attempts one great stride towards the he was, instead of looking for sound constitutional prin- accumulation of all power in executive hands; a stride ciples in the history of free governments, in the prac. which I doubt not the Senate will resist with firmness tice of legislatures in the United States, or elsewhere, he and constancy; and in that resistance they will be suplias contented himself with an ancient truism from the ported by the country. black-letter law books, that the flouse of Lords cannot Mr. FORSYTH said, it was very unimportant to him institute an impeachment, or frame articles, and then try whether the last message was considered an explanait themselves. But do not the Lords, as well as the Com- tion or a retraction. If the honorable gentlemau from mous, express their opinions, by votes and resolutions, Delaware entertained such impressions as he had just


Explanatory Message.

(Aunil 21, 1834.

stated, it was very easy to be accounted for. He had least a right to be heard by the people—no one would probably read the message with a desire to see that pretend to deny it--and they would decide on his conthe Preside:t had committed an error, and, in conse- duct, and either sustain or condemn him. How could the quence, miglit have formed an unfavorable judgment of Executive defend himself, without presenting to the Senit. Now, with regard to what had been said by the ate a statement of his case! If he had thought of comhonorable Senator from Massachusetts, he begged leave mitting a fraud, he might have interwoven that message to say a word or two. That Senator had reiterated a with some legislative proposition, which the Senate would complaint, which he had heretofore made, in regard to have been compelled to have received, and could not have the withholding by the President of certain nominations resisted; but he had done no such thing. He had preof high officers of the Government. He was mistaken in sented a fair statement of his case, and asked only that it point of fact. There was not one-half of the cabinet might be preserved, in order that his views might be whose nominations had not been sent to the Senate. seen by posterity and the world. And he had come to

[Mr. Websten said there were three-the Secretary the Senate, not as a Chief Magistrate demanding that of State, the Attorney General, and the Secretary of his views might be preserved on the records of the counthe 'Treasury.]

try, but with a request that they might be preserved on Mr. Forsyth resumed. The principle was the same, the Journal of the Senate with the resolutions condemn. whether it was a portion only or the wbole of the cabi- ing him—that no inserence contrary to the executive pownet. The honorable Senator had told the Senate that er hereafter might be drawn, and for the purpose of havthose officers were in the discharge of important duties, ing justice done to bis opinions as an officer and a man. in violation of the principles of the constitution, and in He, Mr. F., entirely concurred with the honorable derogation of the rights of the Senate. He would ask Senator from Massachusetts, that the country expected the honorable gentleman if he had recently read the con- and would demand, at the hands of the Senate, that this stitution?

matier should be solemnly considered and decided; tbat (Mr. WEBSTER. Yes, sir.)

the question which it had raised should be treated as it Mr. Forsytu continued. Then he would beg to call bis deserved, neither forgetting wbat was due to the dignity attention to a particular part of it, which declared that of this body, nor to the high station and dignity of our persons commissioned by ihe President, should hold to Chief Magistrate. There were most important and grave the termination of the next session of Congress. And considerations connected with this matter. Be they true this was an answer to the charge of a violation of the or false, they must be treated with that respect, moderaconstitution having been committed. They were the of. tion, and forbearance, which became the dignity of the ficers of the United States, as much as if they bad been Senate, or that body would be lost, in the opinion of the confirmed by the Senate, and would remain so to the American people. Let the conduct of the President be termination of the session. It was true there would have fairly examined, and no incorrect inferences be drawn. been some difference in their position, at this time, if their Yes, that was the way, and the only way, in which he nominations had been presented to the Senate, and they ought to be treated. His (Mr. F.'s) opinions on the whole had been condemned by it. And upon this was based matter were perfectly well understood. He considered the complaint. Honorable Senators desired that the the charge which had been made against the President as nominations might be made, in order that they might sit uncalled for, unnecessary, and improper; but he trusted in judgment on them. He had reason to believe that that that the Senate, in its fulure conduct, would not forget was the fact, from the suggestion which had been made what was due to itself, and to the dignity of our Chief by the honorable Senator to-day, that some plausible rea. Magistrate, so that justice might be done him. He, Mr. son was always sought for, so that the presentation of F., was of opinion that the Senate had travelled beyond the nominations might be postponed. The gentleman the bounds of propriety, and deserved—what he believed had expressed a wish to know which of the persons who would, in due tinie, be nieled to them--a sentence of would have to come under the adjudication of the Senate condemnation by the people. had acquiesced in the message. Perhaps (said Mr. F.) Mr. WEBSTER replied. The gentleman from Georthere might be an occasion, before the end of the session, gia, said he, has referred to the decision of that high trito enlighten his judgment, and then he would know ex-bunal, by whose decision all public men, and all public actly how he should decide on another matter. He (Mr. bodies, must ultimately stand or fall. I cheerfully join in F.) would contend that they were officers, acting ac- the appeal, and have no fear of the result. It can never cording to the constitution, and that the President had be, that the people of the United States will, for no not derogated from his duty. It was his duty, and he earinly reason, submit to severe suffering and to encroach. dare not do otherwise, to present the nominations in ques- ments on constitutional liberty; and, i doubt not, the tion before the adjournment of Congress.

same people will stand by the Senate in all just and conWith respect to this anomalous proceeding, it was un stitutional efforts to sustain its own rights and the rights precedented-the first instance in the history of the Gov. of Congress. I believe the Senate stands strong in the ernment, in which the Executive had be arraigned be-confider of a majority of the nation, and that nothing fore the people by the extra-judicial conduct of the Sen-would more produce dismay and despair than that this ate., Did the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts body should be found to flinch or falter in a moderate, think it a trifling matter that the President should bave but firm and decided, opposition to the present course been charged with having violated his duty, and forgotten of public measures. the solemn obligations of his oath? And to whom was The gentleman supposes I am mistaken as to the numthe Executive to address himself but to those from whom ber of members of the cabinet not yet nominated to the the charge had emanated? The Senate had arraigned Senate. But there is no mistake.' The Secretary of him; and the honorable Senator particularly, and others, State, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Attorney had said that the remedy for all this lay wiih the people General, have been in office six or seven months, and He (Mr. F.) would admit that it was for them to decide have neither of them been yet sent to the Senate (or conwhether or not he was correct; and, if he was found guil. firmation. What reason is to be given for this deparlty, to punish bim for violating the constitution and the laws. ure from all former practice of the Government?llow is

But, he would ask, if it was not the right of a party, it to be justified? We may conjecture a reason, indeed, after being condemned without a hearing, to be heard but it is such a reason as ought not to exist. I know well thereafter? The question now before the people was that these officers hold commissions which run to the end placed there by the Senate. The President then had all of the session. Such is the constitutional provision. But

APRIL 21, 1834.]

Explanatory Message.


I know, too, that although that be so, all other Presidents the royal claims of prerogative gave birth to a debate in have laid such appointments before the Senate early after Parliament, in which Mr. Spicer (a member of the kitchthe commencement of the session. This bas been the uni- en cabinet of the time, I suppose) said the Crown form course; and to hold back so many of the heads of " could not be tied by any law, because it might loose departments for so spany months from the beginning of itself at pleasure.” And Mr. Secretary Cecil told the the session, is a thing altogether without precedent. other members—"If you stand upon law, and dispute of

As to the protest, sir, it appears to me, that the honor the perogative, hark ye what Bracton says--Prærogatiable member from Georgia has conceded it away. He ad- vam nostram nemo audeat disputare.Mr. Francis Bamits that there may arise emergencies in which the Sen. con, a whole-hog man, sir, said--"As to the perogatives ate has a right to express its opinion upon executive royal, he never questioned them, and he hoped they proceedings; to make a case, as he expresses it, for the would never be discussed.” When the question of the consideration of the people. If this be so, then the Sen. subsidy was before them, Mr. Sergeant Heyle saidate itself is to be the only judge when that emergency Mr. Speaker, I marvel much that the House should has arisen. The gentleman's admission acknowledges stand upon granting of a subsidy, or the time of payment, the right. The exercise of the right, then, on any given when all we have is the Crown's, and may be lawfully occasion, is matter of discretion; and this is precisely the taken at its pleasure from us. Yea, it hath as much right ground on which I placed the question when last speak to all our lands and goods, as to any revenue of the ing. Indeed, it cannot be otherwise. Suppose the Pres. Crown. At which, says the historian, all the House ident should commission persons to office, whom the Sen-hemmed, and laughed, and talked. Well, quoth Serate has rejected; might we not resolve, that such a pro- geant Heyle, all your hemming shall not put me out of ceeding was unconstitutional? Suppose he should threat- countenance.” (We have some in this day, said Mr. C., en to turn us out of our seats, by force; might we not who are as hard to put out of countenance.) “So the enter on our Journal a resolution against such menace? Sergeant proceeded, and when he had spoken a little No one, surely, can doubt this. The Senate, then, pos- while, the House hemmed again, and so he sat down. In sesses the right; on a recent occasion it saw fit to exer- his latter speech, he said he could prove his former posi

cise that right, in its discretion, and under its own sense tion by precedents, in the time of Henry III, King John, • of duty; and it is a right which its members are bound King Stephen, &c., which was the occasion of their hein

to maintain, in behalf of themselves, and for their suc- ming.” Had Sergeant Heyle lived in our day, there is cessors in all time to come. I say nothing, at present, no telling to what a pitch of greatness he might not have upon the claims of executive power put forth in the attained. It can hardly be too much to say that he inight protest. All I mean now, is, to assert the right of the bave been a Secretary of the Treasury, or at least a PostSenate to express its opinion upon the conduct of the master General, with a promise of the Russian mission in Executive, in critical emergencies, and on momentous reversion. occasions, notwithstanding no impeachment be pending Observe, sir, that, in the debate to which I have referbefore it.

re: you, the advocates of power did, as they do still, seek Mr. CLAYTON said, the Senator from Georgia had ob. to support it chiefly by precedent and usage. The Presserved, that perhaps he (Mr. C.) had been influenced by ident builds his pretended prerogative to absolute control a desire to find the President in error when perusing his over the Secretary of the Treasury, in the manner of manprotest. Those who shall read the remarks of the mem- aging the public revenue and keeping the public de. ber from Georgia himself, in reference to the same paper, posiies, on “the usages and precedents of the Governand who are not acquainted with his independent and un- ment. The precedent on which he and his advocates yielding course of opposition to all executive encroach- here rely, was established, not so far back as that of Serments, will rise from that reading with a deep conviction geant Heyle—not in the days of King John or King Stethat the honorable member, before he knew the contents phen--but in the day when the elder Adams gave his of the protest, was predetermined to support it, with casting vote in the Senate in favor of the removing power, every thing contained in it, right or wrong; and they will and laid the foundation for the present claim in the most probably not consider the honorable member a proper latituclinarian of all constitutional construction that was judge of the motives with which other persons have pe. ever attempted. The power of removal was based exrused the same document.

clusively on the pretence that it was necessary for the Sir, this protest, which meets the cordial approbation President to bave it, as an ir.cident to his cluty to “see of the Senator from Georgia, strikes at the costitutional that the laws are faithfully executed.” But until this day, rights, and even at the very existence, of the body of it was never dreamed, by the most visionary of the high which he is a member. While the President complains tory school, that the power to remove embraced the power of the length of the Senatorial term of service, he distinct- to control the officer in every act he was to perform. ly declares, that the conduct of the Senate, in daring to This President is entitled to the fame of discovering, that, censure his acts, if persevered in, must inevitably lead to as his oath of office binds him to see ihe laws faithfully changes in the constitution itself. Ile singles out indi- executed, he is to exercise the power of controlling the vidual Senators as the objects and victims of his displeas- Secretary of the Treasury, and every other officer, in the ure; almost denies to them the privilege of suffrage here, discharge of duties. The monstrous character of this in relation to his conduct; and denounces the Senate pretension has been thus illustrated: The President thinks for daring to debate and decide upon his princely preten- that a decree of a district court, or a circuit court, or the sions to perogative—his unlimited and illimitable claims Supreme Court of the United States, is unconstilutional. to executive power. Because we have, with a view to He fulminates a bull against the court, and demands of it regulate our own legislative and executive action, ventu- to enter his protest on its records, “to the end that it may red to lay down a principle, by a resolution, defining and never be drawn into precedent again, as in the case of our circumscribing the limits of his power, we are not only resolution. He then orders the marshal not to execute menanced by him, but even lectured by a member of the the writ issued by virtue of the decree. The marshal body itself.' To what period of bistury shall we look for persists in the discharge of his duty, and says he is sworn a parallel to these things, which are daily passing before io execute the writ. The President replies, you are an our eyes?

executive officer, and I must “see that the laws are faithSir, it was in the year 1591, (was it not') that the fully executed,” and as the constitution, which has been Judges solemnly decreed that England was an absolute violated by the court, is the supreme law, I command you empire, of which the King was the head. In that age, I not lo exécule thc writ. The marshal still persists, and


Explanatory Message.--President's Protest,

[Arril 21, 1834.

the President removes him-appoints another, and re- tance. In order to ascertain what was the character of the moves him, and pursues the same process until he finds a original document, and of the explanation which had been tool to obey his will, and thus abrogates the decree of the sent to them, he would read a paragraph from the former court. He is to exercise the same power over every other paper. [Mr. Bibe here read the following passage from executive officer appointed by him alone, or by the Pres. the first message of the President.) ident and Senate. This is ihe claim he sets up in this “ The custody of the public property, under such reg. protest—this is the exact character of that ultra-despotic ulations as may be prescribed lative authority, bas rescript which he thinks this Senate is bound to register always been considered an appropriate function of the at his sovereign will and pleasure. In every State consti- executive department, in this and all other governments. tution, the same provision on which the President erects In accordance with this principle, every species of prohis pretensions to these powers, will be found. They all |perty belonging to the United States, (excepting ihat provide that “the Governor shall see that the laws be which is in the use of the several co-ordinate departments faithfully executed.” If, in one of the States, the Gov- of the Government, as means to aid them in performing ernor should order the public money to be removed by their appropriate functions,) is in charge of officers apthe State treasurer, it would be acknowledged usurpation. pointed by the President, whether it be lands, or buildings, Should he actually remove nim from office for it, he would for merchandise, or provisions, or clothing, or arms and hardly escape an impeachment himself. Yet, under color munitions of war. The superintendents and keepers of of this single clause in the constitution of the United the whole are appointed by the President, and removable States, that “the President shall see that the laws are at his will. faithfully executed,” the Chief Magistrate has claimed the “Public money is but a species of public property. It power not only to remove every agent whom Congress cannot be raised by taxation or customs, nor brought into has placed in custody of the money of the nation, but also the Treasury in any other way, except by law; but when. to remove the money itself, when and where he pleases. ever or howsoever obtained, its custody always has been,

Sir, such a paper as this, claiming absolute power, and and always must be, unless the constitution be changed, denying to the representatives of the people of England intrusted to the executive department. No officer can or either House of Parliament, the right to discuss and be created by Congress for the purpose of taking charge decide upon the extent of kingly power for the govern- of it, whose appointment would not, by the constitution, ment of their legislative action, would bring the head of at once devolve on the President, and who would not be a British monarch to the block. It remains to be seen responsible to him for the faithful performance of his duwhether the milder temperament of the people of our ties. The legislative power may undoubtedly bind him free country will stamp it with the authoritative sanction and the President, by any laws they may think proper to of their verdict against this Senate, at the polls. For one, enact; they may prescribe in what place particular por. I will stand or fall on this issue before the people of that tions of the public money shall be kept, and for what State to which--and not to Andrew Jackson-I owe alle. reason it shall be removed, as they may direct that supgiance. By their judgment, unawed as they have ever plies for the army or navy shall be kept in particular stores; been, and ever will be, by official patronage and execu- and it will be the duty of the President to see that the law tive power, will I be tried, and by no other. They shall is faithfully executed-yet will the custody remain in the say for me whether this paper, couched in the language executive department of the Government. Were the of a Roman dictator to the Senate, proposing only to Congress to assume, with or without legislative act, the “expose” it and degrade it, by compelling it to enter on power of appointing officers, independently of the Presiits own records such claims of absolute power as it con- dent, to take the charge and custody of tlie public prop. tains, is, or is not, a breach of the privileges of that body erty contained in the inilitary and paval arsenals, magaon whose preservation their rights, and those of all the zines, and store-houses, it is believed that such an act other small States of this Union, eminently depend. If would be regarded by all as a palpable usurpation of exthis House were now to send to the Representatives a ecutive power, subversive of the form as well as the fun. bulletin such as this, lecturing them for the passage of damental principles of our Government. But where is their resolutions approbatory of the act of the Executive the difference of principle, whether public property be in continuing the pet State banks as banks of deposite, in the form of arms, munitions of war and supplies, in they would instantly vote such an interference a breach gold and silver or bank notes? None can be perceived of their privileges. Seeing this, the people to whom -none is believed to exist. Congress cannot, therefore, alone I defer on this subject, shall try for me, in the last take out of the hands of the executive department, the resort, the co-ordinate powers and privileges of the two custody of the public property or money, without an as. branches of Congress. But until their verdict be given sumption of executive power, and a subversion of the first on this issue, no judgment will be entered or recorded principles of the constitution." against the Senate by the votes of their representatives.

PRESIDENT'S PROTEST. Mr. CLAY said it was not at tbis time his purpose to discuss the supplementary message: he would avail him- The Senate proceeded to the special order of the day, self of another occasion.

being the motion of Mr. POINDEXTER, that the Presideni's Mr. C. then moved to lay the motion of the Senator from protest be not received, as modified by his resolutions. Mississippi upon the table, for the present, in order that Mr. EWING then addressed the Chair as follows: the general discussion upon the President's protest might Mr. President: I am much at a loss in what manner to be proceeded with.

characterize the paper which is the subject of discussion. Mr. POINDEXTER hoped the resolutions which had When read to us the other day, in the Senate, I pretty been offered would be printed, so that every Senator well appreciated its character and its purpose. I noted might have an opportunity of seeing them.

down, too, some of its language; and if the Secretary Mr.CALHOUN suggested the propriety of offering the read it right, and if I heard him right, that which is sent resolutions as a modification of the first motion of the Sen- abroad, in the official, as the President's protest, and the ator from Niississippi, and the Senate would then be able forty thousand copies which are published in a pamphlet to proceed with the original debate.

form and scattered to the four winds, difler, in some mateThis was agreed to, and the resolutions were so offered. rial points, from the one which is before us, and in points

Mr. BIBB hegged leave to call the attention of the Sen. which were the subject of comment here. In this paper ate, for one moment, to a point of fact. In a discussion the President speaks of the Secrtary of the Treasury as of this kind, a statement of facts was of the utmost impor. This Secretary, in one instance, and, in two others, he

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