tion in the American struggle for independence. They knew they had a powerful party in the United States, disposed to support their wishes for a close alliance between the two countries, and for united hostilities against Great Britain. In 1797, Mr. Pinckney obtained leave to retire from France, as he could not, with his sentiments of patriotism and national honor, submit to the demands made upon the government of the United States, as the price of the promised favor of that nation; which were as improper in manner, as extravagant in principle. But in this protracted and unhappy dispute, a large party in the United States constantly justified the demands and the measures of the French rulers, and condemned or disapproved the conduct of the federal administration.

When Mr. Adams was inducted into the office of President, he offered a merited tribute of praise to his illustrious predecessor, for his political wisdom and fidelity. Having spoken of the Constitution of the United States, and of the republican institutions of the country, and noticed the abuses which might take place from the prevalence of a licentious spirit, he observed, "The people of America have exhibited a most interesting system of government, to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations, for eight years, under the administration of a citizen, who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude; conducting a people inspired with the same virtues, and animated with the same ardent patriotism, and love of liberty, to independence and peace, to increasing wealth, and unexampled prosperity; has merited the gratitude of his fellow citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity. In that retirement, which is his voluntary choice, may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of his country, which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace.

Before the close of the fourth Congress, March, 1797, provision was made, by law, for the meeting of the next

* It is a remarkable fact, that, in June, 1775, when the Continental Congress were about to choose a commander-in-chief of the American army, raised, and to be raised, for the defence of our liberties, Mr. Adams proposed George Washington, who received the unanimous vote of the members.

Congress, on the first Monday of November, of that year; but as the relations of the United States had become more critical and embarrassing with France, owing to the extravagant demands and the unfriendly measures of those then in power in that nation, and of the apprehensions, perhaps justly entertained, of a declaration of war by that government, or of acts of hostility, equally injurious to America, President Adams called a meeting of the federal legislature to be holden on the fifteenth of May.

Mr. Pinckney was treated with personal disrespect, and the government of the United States severely reproached, in the communications which were officially made to him by the French Directory. It was probably intended so to wound his feelings and his national pride, as to induce him to quit his station, and thus to give a new occasion for complaint against him. But his desire to conciliate, if possible, the rulers of France, or a hope that others might succeed to power there, who would be desirous to treat the United States as an independent nation, induced him to remain, until he received an order from the Directory to depart the country.

This conduct of the French rulers served to convince many citizens of the United States, with all their gratitude and friendship towards that nation, that France could not be conciliated without too great sacrifice, or too much humiliation. The terms proposed by the Directory, for the continuance of national friendship, were highly unreasonable; and its language to the representative of the American government, expressed too much of an insolent spirit. to find justification or apology.

Had there been any stability in the French government from 1793 to 1798; had it been only changed from an absolute monarchy to a republic; and had the claims of the rulers of France on the gratitude and friendship of the United States, been reasonable and just, there would have been no serious difficulties between the two nations. The federal administration was friendly to the French people, and to a republic; and would never have interfered with their government in any of its rapid and extraordinary changes; but it could not perceive that it would be consistent with safety, or that any obligation existed, to comply with the extravagant demands which were made on the American States.

The President communicated to Congress the recent instances of unfriendly and threatening declarations of the

French rulers towards the government of the United States, and of indignity to their minister, who had been deputed with the most sincere desires for maintaining peace and amity with that nation. They had also issued new orders for depredations on American commerce, more unjust and injurious than any former regulations. He therefore recommended the adoption of more efficient measures for defence; at the same time declaring his desire and purpose to preserve peace, if possible, by further negotiation.

The sentiments of the speech were approved by both branches of the national legislature; several members who were generally found in the opposition, voting in favor of resolutions for supporting the honor of the country, in consequence of the unreasonable and insolent conduct of the French rulers.

It was still the policy of the administration and of the majority in Congress to maintain a neutral position, and to avoid war with both the contending nations of Europe. An Act was passed in June, 1797, to prevent citizens of the United States from fitting out and employing vessels as privateers, against nations on terms of peace and amity with the American government. And as, in some instances, the dissatisfaction of the French ministers was so great that they had encouraged depredations on vessels belonging to American citizens, by those sailing under their commissions, the law prohibited such practices, on a heavy penalty, and long imprisonment. The exportation of arms and ammunition was also forbidden at this period, and encouragement given for the importation of all such articles. Authority was given by Congress at the same session, to the President, for detaching eighty thousand of the militia, to be in readiness for the defence of the country; and to accept of independent and volunteer companies, as a part of the number required. It was however provided, that the militia should not be compelled to serve for a longer term, at any one time, than three months; and that the authority thus given to the President should be limited to one year.

At the same session, Congress also provided for a naval force, though not so liberally, and to such an extent, as most of the friends of the administration proposed. The anthority given the President for this object, was only to order the preparation and employment of three large frigates then nearly finished. These ships were of large. burthen for vessels usually of that class and name; being

of sufficient size to carry forty-four guns, and with men and marines proportionate to the number of guns, and the dimensions of the vessels. President Adams was decidedly in favor of a naval armament, as a proper and cheap defence of the country; especially as war, if it came at all, would be made by one of the great maritime and naval powers of Europe. Had a greater number of vessels been fitted out and armed by the United States, at that period, it must have been followed by more respect for the American government, from nations then disposed to do injustice, or to be dictatorial towards this rising republic.

To meet the extra expenses, arising from these measures for national defence, duties were imposed on stamped paper and parchment, used for public purposes of various kinds, by merchants, and by others, engaged in lucrative pursuits, and in some cases, by those in office, whose business it was to prepare legal instruments, necessary in pecuniary contracts, or in executing the duties prescribed by law.

This was an unpopular measure, although the public exigencies required an additional revenue. It was perhaps less objectionable with the common class of people, than a direct tax on lands and houses, which was imposed soon after. With the very name of a stamp-act, was associated the idea of tyranny and oppression, from the time the British Parliament laid such a tax in 1765. But it was difficult to raise money by loans, and the proceeds from imposts was less, than for several former years of the federal government, as many vessels were taken and confiscated both by the British and French; and the mercantile part of the community were less engaged in navigation on that account. That the federal legislature had authority from the Constitution to raise a revenue in this way, could not be justly doubted; but the administration was charged with having unwisely pursued a policy which re-. quired large additional expenses to the nation; and every measure proposed to raise money, was opposed and condemned by those of different political opinions. The majority, however, still approved and justified the conduct of the administration, in resisting the unreasonable and extravagant claims of the French rulers. An additional duty was laid on salt, which bore most heavily on the Eastern States, where the consumption was very great, compared to other parts of the Union, on account of their extensive fisheries. But a drawback was provided of a greater amount, on salt provisions, and pickled fish exported; and

an allowance made to the owners of vessels employed in the codfisheries.

Agreeably to his declaration of making further attempts to preserve friendly relations between the United States and France, the President, with the consent of the Senate, appointed three eminent citizens as Envoys to France; instructing them to prevent a war with that nation, and to maintain an amicable intercourse with its government, if it could be effected on terms "compatible with the rights, duties, interests, and honor of the American people." The instructions to the Envoys were, "to seek peace and reconciliation by all means not incompatible with the honor and faith of the United States; and without violating any national engagements, or consenting to any innovation on the internal regulations for preserving peace and neutrality, which had been deliberately and justly adopted; or surrendering the rights of the American government."

These Envoys were received with no better nor more friendly spirit than had been manifested in their treatment of Mr. Pinckney, when recently the only representative from the United States at the Court of France. It was attempted to detach them from each other, and to learn the sentiments and views of each, by separate and secret interviews. The principle adopted by the Directory was that on which the politicians of old European governments had frequently acted, "to divide and conquer. They were evasive and equivocal in their official conversations; and in their intercourse, by private agents, sought to draw forth concessions which might be represented as contradictory when compared. And it soon became evident to two of the Envoys that no treaty could be made, on terms which would be either honorable or just for the United States to accept. The French ministry were so much mistaken in the character of the American government, and had so little respect for their own, that they demanded or requested a douceur; but the suggestion was rejected with just indignation. The patriotic sentiment, expressed by Mr. Pinckney, on this occasion,-"Millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute,"-met with a cordial response in the breast of every independent citizen of the United States. Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall requested leave of the President to return, and about the same time they were ordered, by the French Directory, to quit the territo

* C. C. Pinckney was re-appointed, as one of these, and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, and Wm. Marshall, of Virginia, were the other two.