to the settlements on the frontiers; and of support of the laws of the Union, against any opposition which might be made to the due execution of them.

The answer of the House of Representatives to the speech of the President was clothed in the language of respectful approbation; and the majority fully acquiesced in the propriety of the policy and the course of the executive; but several members were opposed to some of the measures which had been adopted; particularly as to the Indian war in the West; and to some of the proceedings in the treasury department, which were under the direction and control of the President, and for which he was in a measure responsible, though only the conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury was expressly censured. President Washington was as averse to hostilities against the Indian tribes, if it could be avoided with safety to the settlers in that part of the Union, as any one could be; but he justly considered it the duty of government to afford means of protection to the citizens; and was of opinion that a large force which would appear formidable to the savages, and operate on their fears, would be more effectual to induce them to refrain from future aggressions, and to make peace, than a few troops, whom they would not hesitate to attack, nor much fear in the prosecution of their hostile designs on the frontier settlements.

As to the funding of the public debt, and the assumption of the debts of the States, which had been incurred for the common and general defence of the country, during the war of the Revolution, of which some complained, he believed justice demanded that the plans of the Secretary of the Treasury should be adopted. And the charge of an improper application, by the Secretary, of monies before appropriated by Congress, for the payment of interest, and a part of the principal of both the foreign and domestic debt, the President considered unjust, or unreasonable. The charge was, that he applied part of the loans, effected in Europe, to some other purpose than paying or diminishing the foreign debt, as had been indicated by Congress. But it was shown that convenience and good policy justified the conduct of the Secretary, in this respect; that payments had been made strictly according to the laws, though a part of an appropriation for one specific object, had been applied to a different purpose; and more also had been advanced on account of expenses of the Indian war than had been anticipated by Congress, when a law was made relating to the enterprise. The Secretary of the Treasury

was also accused of extravagance in the expenditures of the public monies; and it was even intimated, that a strict inquiry into his official conduct, would detect some defalcations. An inquiry was soon after instituted into his conduct, and the accounts of the treasury department; when it was found, that no improper appropriations of the public funds had been made, (other than a deviation as already noticed, of some specific appropriations to other objects than directed, and that with good judgment and perfect integrity,) and that the proceedings of the Secretary were wholly free from all evidence of embezzlement, of corruption, or of any dishonorable official act. Washington had full confidence in his incorruptible integrity, as well as his abilities. And the people generally imbibed the same opinion of Secretary Hamilton; while many considered his political views not so fully republican as they would prefer in a high public officer of the federal government. He was no doubt in favor of what some called a strong government; in favor of exercising the full powers granted by the Constitution; because he believed this was necessary to maintain the public credit, and to give respectability to the administration of the United States, both at home and abroad. But he duly appreciated that sacred charter of our national rights, and gave it his firm support; and there is no evidence that he was not sincerely attached to a republican government.

At this period, 1792, which was soon after any indications of the two political parties in the United States, which long unhappily continued, the different views and opinions of the highest officers in the executive department of the government, and with whom the President often found it necessary to consult, in deciding on public measures to adopt or propose, gave occasion for great regret among the patriotic citizens; and it was also a source of concern to the President himself. He addressed letters to them on the subject; and, with the Secretary of State, Mr. Jefferson, particularly, he expostulated on the evils of disunion among his confidential advisers. But this effort, so honorable on the part of Washington, was without avail. The political disagreement between the Secretary of State, and of the Treasury, continued and increased, and soon became personal and inveterate.

Mr. Jefferson coincided in opinion, with those who were originally opposed to the federal Constitution, as having too much power, and with that class of politicians who disapproved of the funding system, the assumption of the

State debts, and of the Excise Act; and who were disposed to restrain the authority of the executive within very narrow limits. It was also well known that he retained strong prejudices against the British government, founded in its former arbitrary conduct towards the colonies; while all his sympathies were enlisted in behalf of regenerated France. And it was apprehended that this would produce an evil political influence; especially as disputes had even then arisen between the United States and each of those great foreign nations; when harmony among the members of the administration was most important.

The Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Hamilton, differed in opinion, on many political measures, almost entirely from the Secretary of State. He was, indeed, the projector of the leading measures designed to establish public credit on a firm foundation, and to provide effectually for the payment of the public debt, and to call forth the resources of the country for these important objects. He had also proposed an augmentation of duties on imported articles, when it was found that those before laid were inadequate. And he recommended the system of excise, or a tax on distilled spirits within the United States; which was particularly unpopular in the States where they were manufactured. On the other subject, which was the occasion of discordant opinions among politicians of that period, Mr. Hamilton entertained different views from Mr. Jefferson. He considered it important to the commercial, and, therefore, to the general prosperity of the United States, to maintain friendly relations with Great Britain; and he was unwilling to sacrifice either the peace or the interests of the nation, to his sympathies in favor of the patriots of France.

Few, perhaps, doubted the patriotism of either of these distinguished political characters. They had each rendered important service to the country, in the contest for liberty and independence; and, it was believed, that each was anxious to secure the welfare, and to promote the prosperity of the United States. The just and principal distinction to be made between them, probably, was, that the Secretary of State appeared more ready to consult and to

* In a report on foreign commerce, made in 1791, by request of President Washington, Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of State, advised to a more extensive trade with France, and to an increase of imposts on all British goods and products. And this report, no doubt, led to the regulations of Mr. Madison, in 1794, proposing such restrictions on the trade with England, as amounted almost to a prohibition of commercial intercourse with that nation.

take advantage of popular opinion and feeling, and to court the people, by the declaration of sentiments of regard for their rights and liberty; while the Secretary of the Treasury manifested a disposition to adopt such measures as he believed for the true honor, and the permanent welfare of the nation. And, in this feature of his public character, he strongly resembled the illustrious patriot, then at the head of the nation.

A strong opposition to the plan of raising a revenue from spirits distilled in the United States was manifested, soon after the law was first passed. During the year 1792 the opposition appeared to gather strength and to be more determined. Several meetings were held in the interior counties of Pennsylvania, at which resolutions were adopted, and sentiments expressed, alike dishonorable to the character of good citizens, and alarming to the government. The officers appointed to collect the duties were threatened, and deterred through fear of personal injury from discharging their public duties. And a large portion of the citizens, in the westeru parts of that State, appeared resolute in opposing the execution of the law, at every hazard. Their passions were highly excited by the clamours of individuals, who represented the law as arbitrary and oppressive, and even unconstitutional, and therefore not to be endured by a free people. Some of the members of Congress had predicted such complaints and such opposition, which seemed, however undesignedly, to excite or to increase them. But the support of public credit required a large revenue-and while every article imported, which could justly be considered a luxury, was highly taxed, it was found necessary also to resort to a tax, or excise, on spirits distilled in the country. And on none could the duty be more justly imposed, than on distilled liquors, altogether unnecessary for the support and comfort of the people. Had it been laid on bread or on grain, there might have been some reason for complaint and opposition. Even a direct tax on lands or houses, would probably have been reprobated, except in some extraordinary exigency. In the present case, the excise law had this justification, that the revenue from imposts was not adequate to the public expenditures for the support of government, and the payment of instalments and interest on the public debt as ordered by Congress; particularly for that year, as the war in defence of the frontier settlements had added greatly to the national expenses. It is the more remarkable, that such complaints were made against the measures of the federal government, by the citizens of Penn

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sylvania, as the troops were employed to protect the inhabitants in the north western parts of that State, as well as those settled in the territory beyond.

Desirous of using all proper means for checking this spirit of insubordination, and of preventing, if possible, its breaking forth into forcible opposition to the laws of the land, the President issued a proclamation exhorting the people to desist from all illegal acts and meetings, and calling on the good citizens to discountenance all violence and disorder: but his wise counsel and warning did not produce the effect intended, and which had been expected. The President had previously (May, 1792) been authorized by Congress to call out the militia to assist in executing the excise laws, if he should consider it proper-and the Governor of Pennsylvania had requested a similar measure. But the President had hopes that wise counsels would prevail over excited passions, and he was reluctant in employing the military to support the laws, till no other alternative remained.

During the year 1792, General Washington intimated to some of his most confidential friends, that he was desirous of retiring to private life, and proposed to decline a re-election as chief magistrate of the Union. His advanced age, and increasing infirmities had added strength to his inclination to seek repose from all public business. But he was persuaded to relinquish his personal wishes in this respect, and was a second time chosen President of the United States, by the unanimous vote of all the electors.* Some strictures had been made on his political opinions and measures; as the Indian war on the western frontiers, the funding system and the excise law; and yet he had only approved these measures previously adopted or sanctioned by Congress. But the confidence of the great body of the people, in his patriotism and wisdom, was not at all shaken by any act of his administration. Those engaged in the business of distilled spirits complained of the laws laying duties on them, and of the President for attempts to support these laws. But it was well understood by most of the citizens that these complaints were uttered only by those interested in that traffic. The Secretary of the Treasury who had proposed the law, was severely censured, as if he were disposed rather to tax and oppress the people, than to guard

* John Adams was alse re-elected Vice President by a plurality of votes. But Gov. Clinton of New York received several votes, which were given by those who were originally opposed to the Constitution, and who disapproved of some of the leading measures of the federal government.