on terms of a friendly understanding; though some subjects were still pending for discussion and settlement between them. The federal government then had treaties with all the nations of Europe; and nothing had occurred to indicate any unfriendly collisions. There were indeed differences of opinion on commercial subjects; but efforts were assiduously made to have them adjusted on terms favorable to the United States. Most of the continental nations of Europe had agreed to commercial intercourse with the United States on principles of a fair reciprocity. On several of them, the American citizens had demands for spoliations during the years of 1812-1815, and for some years previously to that period. These had been repeatedly pressed on those governments, but without success. The claims were not abandoned by President Adams; but, in several cases, under his able administration, they were admitted and allowed. With the French government, there was a good understanding; and in concluding a commercial treaty, it was liberal and friendly towards the United States; but it was very reluctant in yielding to the claims for depredations on the property of American citizens by the government of that nation in former years. Of the friendly disposition of the Russian Emperor towards the United States, the President spoke very emphatically; and referred to the character of the Emperor Alexander, then recently deceased, in terms of high commendation.

The commercial relations between the United States and Great Britain were far from being satisfactory to the government of the former. England had long discovered a selfish or monopolizing spirit on the subject of trade and navigation with America: and various attempts had been. made by former administrations of the federal government, to place the commerce of the United States, with that nation, on" a more favorable basis, and to enjoy a real and just reciprocity of privileges and benefits." The trade with places within the kingdom of Great Britain was almost entirely unexceptionable; but the British colonial ports were shut against trade with the United States in American vessels; or was so burthened with duties as to be wholly unprofitable. Countervailing duties had been imposed by the government of the United States; but their operation did not secure the benefits desired; nor remove the disadvantages to the American merchants arising from British restrictions and regulations. President Adams early sent Mr. King* of New

In speaking of this appointment, the President said, "one of our most distinguished citizens has been despatched." And this commendation was

York to the British court, with a view to regulate the commerce between the two nations on more favorable terms than it then was, or before had been. Unfortunately, the state of this minister's health did not admit of his immediate attention to the subject. The same exclusive, unconciliating spirit was also manifested by the British administration at this time; for just before the American minister arrived in England, an order of the British council was issued, excluding the vessels of the United States-after the first of December-from all their colonial ports, excepting those immediately bordering on the territory of the Union. When the minister expostulated on this measure, so unexpected, he was informed, "that, according to the ancient maxims of policy of European nations, the trade of their colonies was an exclusive possession of the mother country: and that all participation in it by other nations was a boon or favor, not forming a subject of negotiation, but to be regulated by legislative acts." The British government thus abruptly declined all discussion respecting the trade between their colonies and the United States: and this measure was the more surprising, in that the only reason given for resorting to it at this time, when a special mission was instituted to adjust the embarrassments attending the colonial trade, was because the United States had not promptly and expressly accepted the terms offered by an act of the British Parliament of July, 1825. In this respect, the government of England discovered a less friendly, or accommodating spirit towards the United States, than towards other nations. The principal difficulty arose from the policy of the British government, in excluding American vessels from their colonial ports, to secure all the advantages of the trade to their own subjects and in their own vessels. To obtain a proper portion of the carrying trade with the British colonies for citizens of the United States, had been the constant aim of the federal government, from its first establishment; but fair and liberal terms were never consented to by the administration of Great Britain. President Adams was as unremitting in his efforts to accomplish the object as any of his predecessors had ever been.*

justly due to Mr. King. A man of more influence with the British court could not probably have been selected in the whole country: and he had also unformly asserted and defended the commercial rights of the United States. And Mr. Adams, in all his previous public stations, had invariably insisted on a fair reciprocity, in the regulations of trade and navigation with Great Britain and her colonies.

* By an act of the British Parliament, the trade with their American colonial ports was opened to other nations on more favorable terms than had formerly

The view of the finances of the United States, presented by the President, at this time, was highly favorable: though the revenue derived from imports was not altogether of so large an amount as for the preceding year. A severe shock had been experienced by the manufacturing and commercial interests of Great Britain, which had affected the revenue of the United States, as the importations from England were thereby reduced from those of 1825.* But this diminution, in the opinion of the President, was to be attributed in part to the flourishing condition of domestic manufactures, and was therefore compensated by an equivalent even more important to the nation. This small deficiency in the revenue had not interrupted the payment of the usual portion of the public debt, in conformity to the system of annual reduction established by Congress; being eleven millions of dollars, besides the interest on the whole, amounting to six millions; and leaving five millions and a half in the treasury at the close of the year. The receipts of the year were estimated at twenty-five millions and a half; and the public expenditures, of every description, did not amount to that sum by one and a half million. Within the period of ten years, the annual revenue had not been equal on two occasions to the necessary expenditures of the government, and a resort had been had to loans. But at this time, it was sufficient, after defraying all current expenses, to discharge the usual amount of the national debt, as well as to pay large sums due for interest. This judicious system was matured under the administration of Mr. Monroe ;† but Mr. Adams observed and confirmed it; and strongly urged a perseverance in this prudent and economical course, that the debt of the nation might be gradually reduced, and wholly

been permitted, but it was required, that such nations as were desirous of engaging in the trade, should, by a formal act within a specified period, agree to the terms proposed. The United States government did not declare its consent and agreement to the act of Parliament within the time mentioned; and when Mr. King, and after him Mr. Gallatin were authorized to negotiate on the subject, the British ministry declined; alleging, that it was a matter for legislative regulation. This determination was wholly unexpected, and served to protract the difficulty and embarrassments of trade to ports in the West Indies, which was formerly pursued with great profit by citizens of the United States.

* Pitkin states the whole amount of imports to be, in 1825, ninety-six millions of dollars, and in 1826, eighty-four millions and nine-hundred thousand dollars; of which sum, in 1825, thirty-six millions seven hundred and ten thousand dollars was from Great Britain; and in 1826, twenty-six millions and one hundred thousand dollars.

+ Mr. Lowndes, of South Carolina, proposed and advocated this provident plan.

extinguished within the period before contemplated. He was in favor of internal improvements, and of a gradual increase of the navy; yet he considered it highly important, that the public debt should be constantly diminished, and the strictest economy practiced in the expenses of the government. In referring to the state of the army and navy, the President said, the former was well disciplined and well governed; that although small, it was sufficient for all necessary purposes of the government, and as the germ of an efficient national force in any unforeseen exigency: while employment was found for the officers and soldiers composing it, in building and repairing fortifications, and in protecting the inhabitants on the frontiers. The navy, he recommended to the attention of Congress, and expressed an opinion in favor of its gradual increase, agreeable to a system adopted during the administration of his predecessor. The voice of the country, he observed, was for its support, as the most proper and only safe means of defence, by force, in our government; especially as it was an efficient protection to commerce and navigation, so essential to the prosperity of the United States.

"The gradual increase of the navy," said the President, "was the principle, of which the act of April, 1816, was the first development. It was the introduction of a system, to act upon the character and history of our country, for an indefinite series of ages. It was a declaration of Congress, at that time, to their constituents and to posterity, that it was the destiny and the duty of these confederated States to become, in regular process of time, and by no petty advances, a great naval power.* That which they then proposed to accomplish in eight years, is rather to be considered as the measure of their means, than the limitation of their design. They looked forward for a term of years sufficient to the accomplishment of a definite portion of their purpose; and they left it to their successors to fill up the canvass, of which they had traced the large and prophetic outline. The ships of the line and the frigates, which they had in contemplation, will be shortly completed. The time which they allotted for the accomplishment of the work has more than elapsed. It remains for your consideration how their successors may contribute

* This act provided for the building of nine ships of war, of seventy-four guns each, and twelve of forty-four guns each: and appropriated a million of dollars annually, for eight years, for that purpose. Congress did not manifest an opinion so strongly favorable to the increase of the navy as the President expressed in his message.

their portion of toil and treasure, for the benefit of the succeeding age, in the gradual increase of the navy."

It appeared by the message of the President, on this occasion, that nearly a million and a half of dollars were required to pay the pensions, previously allowed by Congress, to the survivors of the soldiers of the Revolution: but, in his estimation, the appropriation was alike honorable and just.*

The subjects mentioned by the President in his message, and recommended to the notice of Congress, engaged their early attention; and were discussed in each branch of the legislature during the session; but as it was closed the third of March, there was not sufficient time for maturing laws to carry into effect all the measures which he proposed. But few laws, of a very important or general character, were passed at this time, though others were urged with great ability and zeal by several members. There was, at this period, a very strong feeling in Congress, as to the theory and views of the executive; and with many a disposition to scrutinize, more closely than common, the recommendations of the President. Some supposed his objects were visionary or would be needless, and would draw after them great expenses: and he was also

This very able state paper concluded as follows:-"I trust that it will not be deemed inappropriate to the occasion and purposes on which you are assembled, to indulge a momentary retrospect, combining in a single glance, the period of our origin, as a national confederation with that of our present existence, at the precise interval of half a century from each other. Since your last meeting at this place, the fiftieth anniversary of the day when our Independence was declared, has been celebrated throughout the land: and on that day, when every heart was bounding with joy, and every voice was tuned to gratulation, amid the blessings of freedom and independence, which the sires of a former age had handed down to their children, two of the principal actors in that solemn scene, the hand which penned the ever-memorable declaration, and the voice that sustained it in debate, were, by one summons, at the distance of seven hundred miles from each other, called before the Judge of all, to account for the deeds done upon earth. The departed, were cheered by the benedictions of their country, to which they left the inheritance of their fame and the memory of their bright example. If we turn our thoughts to the condition of their country, in the contrast of the first and last day of that half century, how resplendent and sublime is the transition from gloom to glory! Then glancing through the same lapse of time, in the condition of the individuals, we see the first day marked with the fullness and vigor of youth, in the pledge of their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, to the cause of freedom and of mankind: and on the last, extended on the bed of death, with sense and sensibility left to breathe a last aspiration to Heaven of blessing upon their country: may we not humbly hope that to them, too, it was a pledge of transition from gloom to glory; and that, while their mortal vestments were sinking into the clods of the valley, their emancipated spirits were ascending to the bosom of their God."