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and Great Britain in October, 1818, and ratified on the part of the latter in November, and on the part of the former in January, 1819: but it did not embrace all the subjects proposed by the American Envoys, and anticipated by the executive. The subject of impressment was not included, nor that of the trade between the United States and the colonies of England; though these were urged by the Envoys of the United States.* The principal articles related to the fisheries, near the coast of Newfoundland, of the Magdalen Islands, of Labrador, and in the Straits of Bellisle to the northern boundary line between the territories of each nation, from the Lake of the Woods and the Rocky Mountains-to the admission of the citizens and subjects of either power to the northwest coast of America, west of the Rocky Mountains, for ten years, without prejudice to the claims of either, to any part of that country to the renewal and continuance of the Convention of 1815, for the term of ten years; and to the restoration of slaves belonging to citizens of the United States, taken in the course of the war of 1812, as formerly stipulated by the treaty of Ghent.

The most important laws of Congress, at this session-from November, 1818, to March, 1819-were the following to protect the commerce of the United States, and punish the crime of piracy; by which the President was authorized to instruct the commanders of public armed vessels of the United States, to seize any armed vessel or boat, which had committed or attempted any piratical depredations or aggression on the maritime property of American citizens; and in certain cases, to permit merchant vessels to be armed in self-defence:-to regulate the duties on imported wines, by which a reduction was made in the duties previously required:-to provide for the civilization of the Indian tribes adjoining the frontier settlements of the United States; by which the President was authorized to employ suitable persons to teach them agriculture, and to encourage them to engage in it; and also to instruct their children in reading, writing, and arithmetic; and the sum of ten thousand dollars was voted for such purposes and an additional act to provide for the prompt settlement of public accounts.

The British negotiators were not willing to agree to relinquish their ancient claim of the right to search for their own native subjects, in merchant vessels, in time of war, when they might need their service; and the Envoys of the United States could not consent to such a claim, without virtually surrendering their sovereignty and independence: But were ready to engage to exclude British subjects from their maritime service, in all cases.

There was also a law made at this time, relating to the slave trade, designed as supplementary to former laws on the same subject. It gave the President power to employ any of the armed vessels of the United States to cruise on the coasts of Africa, or elsewhere, where he had reason to believe attempts were made to carry on the slave trade by citizens or residents of the United States.

The territory of Illinois was admitted into the federal Union, and recognized as one of the United States; Mississippi was admitted at the preceding session of Congress; and Alabama, in 1819; and Maine in 1820.

The attention of the federal government continued to be directed chiefly to the fiscal concerns of the country, by effecting sales of public lands, and reducing the national debt; and to a gradual completion of fortifications for defence. The demands on the treasury had increased, on account of the very great number of pensioners under the law of 1818. More than a million of dollars were paid to these veterans of the Revolution in one year. And the revenue arising from imposts was less, in 1817, than in the preceding year. Embarrassments of a pecuniary nature affected most parts of the United States, in 1818 and 1819; and the influence, to some extent, was felt in the revenue.

The manufacturing interests suffered by this general pressure in the monetary affairs of the nation. And the President, in his annual address to Congress, December, 1819, suggested the propriety of affording further encouragement to these establishments. They had shared in the disadvantages arising from the small and limited discounts, which the banks could, at that period grant them; for in most instances they needed a credit to prosecute their business with success. The President submitted it to the national legislature to afford such encouragement and aid as they might think proper, "having due regard to the other great interests of the nation."

The message of the President, December, 1819, referred at some length to the state of the Spanish provinces in South America, which had thrown off their allegiance to the parent government three years before, and where a civil war had followed, between the inhabitants in the provinces, and the troops in the immediate service of the crown. The contest had thus far proved favorable to the provinces. Buenos Ayres, Chili, and some other colonies. had maintained their independence; and the progress of the revolution in these countries had excited the sympathy or interest of other governments. Most governments in

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Europe, being anxious for the support of the principles of legitimacy, were not desirous of the success of the people in South America, who were professedly aiming to establish free governments on the ruins of monarchy. The people of the United States generally, discovered a deep sympathy for the rising republics, and expressed a wish for their independence of the European monarchy. The President possessed, in some measure, this spirit of sympathy; but he wisely held a neutral position, and recommended the same policy to Congress. "A virtuous people," he observed, may and will confine themselves within the limits of strict neutrality; but it is not in their power to behold a conflict, so vitally important to their neighbors, without the sensibility and sympathy which naturally belong to such a case. It has been the constant purpose of the government to prevent that feeling leading to excess; and it is very gratifying to state, that so strong has been the sense, through the whole community, of what was due to the character and obligations of the nation, that few examples of a contrary kind have occurred." The favorable views towards these provinces in South America, which were cherished by the federal administration, had been frankly communicated to the European powers; and the President expressed the belief, that such was the progress the revolutions had made, and such the condition of Spain, that the latter would refrain from prosecuting the contest.

A formal recognition of the independence of the provinces in South America, by the federal government, would have been premature and injudicious at that period; and yet the measure was urged by some eminent politicians then in Congress. The pacific policy proposed by the United States, forbid any interference between these provinces and the parent government in Europe. As much as was proper or politic was done, by the declaration of the President, that the United States could not be indifferent to attempts, by the monarchical powers in Europe, if any were made, to put down these infant republics by force, and to compel their submission to the government of Spain, with a view to support the principles of legitimacy, which were prevailing on the old continent.*

* Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, then the Speaker of the House of Representatives, in 1818 and again in 1819, declared himself in favor of recognizing the independence of the South American provinces, and expressed a hope that they would be successful in their struggles for self-government. Many other members expressed similar views; but the majority considered it improper in the government to interfere.

The sanction of the federal legislature was given to internal improvement, which had been a subject of frequent discussion before; so far as to authorize the executive to cause a survey of the country, for continuing the Cumberland road from Wheeling, on the Ohio river, in the west part of Virginia, to a point on the left bank of the Mississippi, between St. Louis and the mouth of the Illinois river; and an appropriation was made to meet the expenses of the survey. The bill for this purpose received much opposition; and some voted in favor of it, who had doubts of a constitutional right in the federal government to expend the public monies for internal improvements, except in works evidently of great national benefit. They gave it their support from the consideration, that the project having been commenced, and the road made in part, it was proper to complete and to extend it. A great part of the distance would be through lands belonging to the government; and the value of these would rise, on the opening of the road. This project has been very expensive to the government; but the situation of the country then called for such a measure. The canal and a railroad, since constructed, to facilitate the intercourse between the eastern and western parts of the Union, have rendered the Cumberland road less important than it appeared to be when first undertaken.

The attention of the national legislature, at this period, was devoted to the currency, and to the pressure in the monied operations in the community. The importation of foreign goods had been to a very large amount, and great debts incurred in Europe; a spirit for extensive trading prevailed; and bank paper had increased, which operated to raise the price of articles, and at the same time led to a system of extended credits, which, though a temporary relief, soon produced much embarrassment. The greatest evil, perhaps, was the multiplication of banks, and the increase of bills issued by them. One disastrous effect was, the suspension of specie payment by many banks; which weakened the confidence of the people in these corporations. And another was, that specie was exported, in large quanties, to pay for goods imported from Europe and India.

But Congress could do little to remedy the evil. One proposition was, to issue treasury notes to a large amount, and to make them a tender. But there were few advocates for such a measure. It was opposed as not being warranted by the Constitution; and though Congress might order a large issue of treasury notes, they would soon depreciate;

and be little better than the paper money in the time of the Revolutionary war. Others proposed, in order to furnish the government with necessary funds, that all duties arising from imported goods should be paid in specie. But neither was this plan approved by Congress. It was also proposed, at the same session, to raise the duties on most articles imported from foreign countries; as this would increase the amount of the revenue, and at the same time operate in favor of domestic manufactures. But it was objected, that the manufacturing interests were already sufficiently encouraged-some, indeed, believed unduly-already; and that higher duties would fail to produce a larger amount of revenue; as less would be imported, when the duties were much advanced, and that smuggling would probably prevail extensively, to the injury of the public morals as well as of the public funds. Repeated and zealous attempts were made at this time, to grant further encouragement to manufactures in the country; and several members of Congress were in favor of the bill for raising the duties on cotton goods, iron, cordage, &c. with a particular view to the manufacturing interests. The bill was adopted in the House of Representatives by a majority of twenty, after various efforts to alter or postpone it; but did not receive the concurrence of the Senate. Some members called it the commerce-killing bill; and some complained that the interests of agriculture were wholly disregarded or injured. It was also opposed, from the consideration that the revenue from imposts would be so diminished, as the high duties would greatly check importations; and that direct internal taxes to a great amount must be imposed. A proposition was also made and urged in Congress, at this session, to require the payment of duties on imported articles, with some exceptions, before a permit should be given to land them, unless they were designed for exportation. The articles excepted, were such as were in common use among all classes of people; as teas, coffee, salt, molasses, sugar, spices, dye-stuffs, and medicines. But on these, if the duties did not exceed one hundred dollars, immediate payment was also to be made. The bill was rejected, after long and repeated debates, by a vote of ninety-one to fiftyfive.*

The evils proposed to be remedied or lessened by these

* This bill was advocated by Clay of Kentucky, McLean of Ohio, Baldwin of Pennsylvania, and others. And opposed by Lowndes of South Carolina, Smith of Maryland, and many others.

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