under the influence of which the proceedings of a new government can more auspiciously commence.

"Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave, but not without reverting, once more, to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, that, since he has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating, in perfect tranquility, and dispositions for deciding, with unparalleled unanimity, on a form of government, for the security of their Union, and the advancement of their happiness; so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures, on which the success of this government must depend.'

In public men of less sincerity and purity of mind than Washington, this repeated reference to an overruling Providence, and the need of Divine direction for the happy issue of human exertions, might appear ostentatious, or as intended to court the favor of the common people; but in him there can be no doubt, that these sentiments were deeply impressed on his own heart. There are many instances recorded, illustrative of his deep and habitual sense of dependence on the Supreme Being, notwithstanding the absence of all parade and publicity in his religious charac

And he seems to have been equally sincere in his belief, that Divine Providence extends to the affairs of nations and societies-views and sentiments not often found in military characters. But though a brave and accomplished soldier, it is most evident, from his general character, that he was averse to war, except in defence of justice and the rights of man.

Hon. John Adams was inducted into the office of Vice President of the United States, and ex officio President of the Senate, on the twenty-fourth of April: when he addressed the Senate as follows:

"Gentlemen of the Senate,-Invited to this respectable situation by the suffrages of our fellow-citizens, according to the Constitution, I have thought it my duty cheerfully and readily to accept it. Unaccustomed to refuse any public service, however dangerous to my reputation, or disproportionate to my talents, it would have been inconsistent to have adopted another maxim of conduct, at this time, when the prosperity of the country and the liberties. of the people require, perhaps, as much as ever, the atten

tion of those who possess any share of the public confidence.

"I should be destitute of sensibility, if, upon my arrival in this city, and presentation to this legislature, and especially to the Senate, I could see, without emotion, so many of those characters, of whose virtuous exertions I have so often been a witness; from whose countenance and example I have derived encouragement and animation; whose disinterested friendship has supported me, in many intricate conjunctures of public affairs, at home and abroad -those celebrated defenders of the liberties of our country; whom menaces could not intimidate, corruption seduce, nor flattery allure; those intrepid asserters of the rights of mankind, whose philosophy and policy have enlightened the world, in twenty years, more than it was ever before enlightened in as many centuries, by ancient schools or modern universities.

"I must have been inattentive to the course of events, if I were either ignorant of the same, or insensible to the merits of those other characters in the Senate, to whom it has been my misfortune to have been hitherto personally unknown.

"It is with great satisfaction, that I congratulate the people of America on the formation of a national Constitution, and the fair prospect of a consistent administration of laws; on the acquisition of a House of Representatives chosen by themselves; of a Senate, also, composed by their own legislatures; and on the prospect of an executive authority, in the hands of one, whose portrait I shall not attempt to draw. Were I blessed with powers to do justice to his character, it would be impossible to increase the confidence or affection of his country, or make the smallest addition to his glory. This can only be effected, by a discharge of the present exalted trust, on the same principles, with the same abilities and virtues, which have uniformly appeared in all his former conduct, public or private. May 1, nevertheless, be indulged to inquire, if we look over the catalogue of the first magistrates of nations; whether they have been denominated presidents, or consuls, kings or princes; where shall we find one, whose overruling good fortune has so completely united all hearts and all voices in his favor; who enjoyed the esteem and admiration of foreign nations and his fellow citizens with equal unanimity? Qualities so uncommon, are no common blessing to the country that possesses them. By those great qualities, and

their benign effects, has Providence marked out the head of this nation, with a hand so distinctly visible, as to have been seen by all men, and mistaken by none.

"It is not for me to interrupt your deliberations by any general observations on the state of the nation, or by recommending or proposing any particular measures. It would be superfluous to gentlemen of your great experience, to urge the necessity of order. It is only necessary to make an apology for myself. Not wholly without experience in public assemblies, I have been more accustomed to take a share in their debates, than to preside in their dedeliberations. A trust of the greatest magnitude is committed to this legislature; and the eyes of the world are upon you. Your country expects, from the results of your deliberations-in concurrence with the other branches of government, consideration abroad, and contentment at home-prosperity, order, justice, peace, and liberty. And may the providence of Almighty God assist you to answer their just expectations."

Mr. Adams was a member of the first Continental Congress, from Massachusetts, in 1774; and continued a member till the year 1778, when he was appointed to France. He afterwards went to Holland, to obtain a loan for the United States. And in 1783, when peace was made with England, he received the appointment of Envoy Extraordinary to the British court. His character for talents, learning, and patriotism, was as highly distinguished as that of any citizen in the United States. And under the auspices of Washington and Adams, the great majority of the people had full confidence that their rights and liberties were secure, and that the wisest measures would be adopted for the welfare and prosperity of the country. The members of the Senate and House of Representatives were also men of great political experience, and of tried patriotism; and many of them had taken an active part in favor of freedom and independence, and in concerting measures for the safety of the country, in the war of the Revolution.

The first Congress, under the federal Constitution, was held in the city of New York, and continued in session six months. The House of Representatives consisted of fiftynine members,* and the Senate of twenty-two. The sub

Rhode Island and North Carolina had not then adopted the Constitution, and had no representatives in the first Congress. The members present were usually fifty-two or three.

+ Eleven States were represented in the Senate at this time. From New

ject of Commerce and of Finance received their early and prompt attention. To regulate these for the credit and benefit of the country, was indeed the great object of their meeting, and the leading design in the formation of the general government. The acts for these purposes, and some others, passed at the first session of Congress, gave an entirely new aspect to the financial and commercial character of the United States. A system was adopted for raising a revenue from duties on imported articles, for the purpose of paying the public debt, gradually; and the interest annually in future. The securities holden by the creditors of the United States, rapidly rose in value; and confidence both in the ability and intention of Congress to do justice, was fully restored. The public debt was, indeed, very great; but it was also perceived, that, with wisdom and decision in the grand council of the nation, its resources were amply sufficient for the payment in a few years, besides the necessary expenditures for the support of government.

All the members of Congress were in favor of this measure for raising a revenue; but, as to the details of the bill and the difference in the duties on different articles, there were various opinions. The principles which governed in the final adjustment of the duties on imported goods, were to impose the highest per centum on articles not considered necessary, and which were deemed to be luxuries; and to fix the amount less on goods and products of ordinary consumption among all classes of people:* a regard was also had to such articles as were then or might be, manufactured in the United States; and thus a higher duty was ordered, with a view to encourage the enterprize and industry of American citizens. This principle was early recognized, and General Washington particularly recomHampshire, Langdon and Wingate-Massachusetts, Strong and Dalton-Connecticut, Ellsworth and Johnson-New York, Schuyler and King-New Jersey, Elmer and Patterson-Pennsylvania, Morris and Maclay-Delaware, Read and Bassett-Maryland, Carrol and M'Henry-Virginia, Grayson and LeeSouth Carolina, Izard and Butler-Georgia, Few and Gunn. At the second Session, January, 1790, Williamson and Hawkins of North Carolina, attended.

The duty first proposed on molasses was six cents per gallon; but in the bill as passed, it was only two and a half.-On Bohea tea, the duty was six cents, and on Hyson, twenty; on loaf sugar, three cents, and on brown sugar, one cent. On wines: Maderia, eighteen cents-other kinds, ten cents. On distilled spirits, Jamaica, proof, ten cents; on other spirits, eight cents. And when imported in foreign vessels-Hyson tea, twenty-six cents; and Bohea, eight cents.

mended it to Congress in his second public speech,-January, 1790. But the discrimination was not so great, between these goods or articles imported, and others which did not conflict with the growth of our own manufactures, as was adopted thirty-five years later, when this policy of encouragement and protection was pushed so far as to meet with warm opposition from some parts of the United States, on account of its effects-which were more favorable to certain sections than to others-according to their respective interests in manufactories; and at one time even to threaten the integrity of the Union.*

The continental debt, at the close of the war, was fortytwo million dollars; but, in 1789, as the interest had been accumulating for six years, and the demands of the several States on Congress, the general government, were estimated at twenty-five millions. The whole public debt, to be provided for by the federal government, amounted to about ninety-four millions. The receipts into the public treasury arising from the duties on imported articles, and on tonnage, according to the system adopted at this first session of Congress, were estimated at one million and a half of dollars; but it was soon found that they would far exceed that sum. An estimate of expenditures for the year was also made by the House of Representatives at this time, as the secretary of the treasury had not then entered on the duties of his office; and the sum for the civil list was $208,000; and for the war department, $137,000.‡

An act for collecting the duties on imported goods was also passed at this session of Congress; the act was of great length, and employed much time in its preparation, and in its discussion, before it was adopted. And the bill laying a tonnage duty, occupied the attention of Congress during several days; and a discrimination was made between vessels built in the United States, and in foreign countries, as well as those owned and navigated by Americans, and citizens or subjects of foreign governments.

These acts of the federal government went into opera

• At this early period, a difference of opinion was fully manifested in Congress, as to the measure of encouragement to manufactures, when the impost bill was under discussion—while little or no favor was shown for agricultural products. The latter was suggested and urged by members from the Southern States, but the members from the Eastern States contended for the former policy.

+ Others estimated the income from imports at 2,500,000, and the expenses for the whole civil list at 350,000.

+ This included Indian supplies, &c.