merly possessed by that nation, was the occasion of an expedition on the Mississippi, which, though undefined and professedly harmless to the United States, gave much alarm in 1806, and even led some to apprehend a design to sever the Union. The citizens of Kentucky and Tennessee had been complaining, more than two years, of Spanish misconduct; and seemed ready to oblige them to leave the territory by force and a few were so inconsiderate as to threaten to form a separate government in the valley of the Mississippi. A wide field was thus presented to the restless and ambitious mind of Aaron Burr, who was Vice President of the United States from 1800 to 1804, and who had lost the confidence of both of the great political parties in the country, to display alike his talents at intrigue and his love of notoriety. He professed no specific object; and it is not probable he had matured any particular exclusive plan. And yet it was necessary for him, to avoid the charge of a treasonable design of severing the Union, to have some ostensible object in view to justify his conduct. He travelled into the western parts of the United States in 1805 and '06; and learnt more fully the state of feeling in the people, as well as the resources of that section of the country. His declarations were different to different characters, as to his ultimate designs. But it was generally pretended, that his plan was to raise a force and invade Mexico and this perhaps was necessary, as a cover to a more dangerous purpose: that of setting up a separate government in the west, and including the newly purchased territory of Louisiana. That country contained a heterogeneous population, and great discontent prevailed; and there was a prospect, therefore, of forming a government separate and independent of the United States. But if this should not succeed, or not appear sufficiently feasible, it was necessary to have another object, and that the ostensible one, of passing into Mexico, and giving no disturbance to the Union. How extensive the plan was, it is difficult to decide; but many individuals in Washington, Philadelphia, New York, and other places, had knowledge of some plan of Mr. Burr in the western country and on the Mississippi, not generally known to the community. There was a mystery in his plans and conduct, which excited alarm, and led many to fear that he had real treasonable designs. The President was early apprised of his proceedings, in part at least; and took measures for watching his movements, and of preventing any serious evils to the United States, if any such were intended. He wrote to the Governor of Louis iana, and to the military commander of the United States troops in that quarter, to be on their guard against the plans of Mr. Burr, which might be ripe for execution before they were aware of it. And yet Burr sometimes pretended to others that the President knew of his designs; with a view, probably, however, to remove all suspicions of his projects. His associates also charged General Wilkinson, the military commander near New Orleans, in the service of the United States, with being privy to Burr's intentions. The various movements and preparations of Burr, certainly indicated some unusual and improper enterprise; and few believed, that he was getting up an expedition to invade Mexico. The act itself must have been seen to be improper, and not likely to succeed, if attempted, with the few men Burr could raise. It was more probable, that his real object was, under various plausible pretences, and professing to have other objects in view, to take possession of New Orleans by force, if circumstances should be favorable, and there to collect a sufficient number of discontented and adventurous spirits to maintain himself in power against the arms of the United States; which, at that distance, and in the hands of Mr. Jefferson, he supposed would not be very promptly or very decisively used to subdue him. Colonel Burr proceeded to the Ohio, in the latter part of 1806, having before been in various parts of the valley of the Mississippi far south; and there prevailed on several individuals of influence to join him, or to afford him their aid. He there collected military stores and provisions, and enlisted men to follow him down the river; sometimes declaring his intention of proceeding against Mexico; and sometimes pretending he was authorized by the President to keep the Spaniards in order, who remained on the territory, and, as was at one time conjectured, to act offensively against the inhabitants in the western parts of the United States. It was said that Colonel Burr had several thousand men engaged to accompany or to follow him, on due notice, while he went down the river, almost alone, and unattended. Such a man, it must be supposed, had a definite object in view, though probably disclosed to only a few chosen ones in whom he could confide. And there can be very little doubt that his design was to collect men and adherents, in small and separate parties, at or near New Orleans, and there take command, and declare himself independent of the government of the United States. Governor Claiborne he did not fear; and General Wilkinson he probably hoped would come into his views, and assist in forming a new government in the Louisiana territory. His plans were early suspected, and many of his adherents and associates became alarmed, and declined to support him. Some of his correspondents were arrested at New Orleans, and conveyed, by the military, to Washington for examination; but his friends attempted to represent the affair as unimportant, and wholly disconnected with any treasonable project. Thus situated, Mr. Burr made no further attempts to accomplish his plan, whatever it might have been; but he was arrested, taken to Virginia, tried for treason, and acquitted. His real designs were probably revealed to very few, who faithfully kept his secrets. For nothing was proved to convict him legally of the charge alleged against him. In the opinion of some, who knew him, he was as destitute of moral principles as Benedict Arnold. He had less of bold daring and hardihood; but more talent for intrigue and concealment. His trial was before the Circuit Court of the United States, Chief Justice Marshall presiding. It continued several weeks; and the Court exhibited great impartiality, as well as legal ability.* It is declared in the Constitution, "that the importation of such persons as any of the States then existing might think proper to admit, should not be prohibited by Congress prior to the year eighteen hundred and eight." This declaration or provision had reference to the importation of slaves from foreign States and countries; so that there could justly be no act on the subject to take effect before that period. In March, 1807, a law was passed to prevent such importation after the first day of January, 1808. There was no formidable opposition made to the passage of the law; for it had generally been supposed, that after the period limited as above mentioned, such prohibition would be imposed on the introduction of slaves from foreign countries. But a question has since been made, as to the precise meaning of the term migration, which is also used in the Constitution; and restricted in the same manner as that of importation. It has sometimes been contended, that Congress had power to prohibit the migration of slaves from one State, which allows of their residence, into a State which does not permit of slavery, so as to be there subject to the treatment of slaves by their owners; and as they might legally be in the former State. The subject has been already often pressed; and a great and alarming excite *President Jefferson and his friends were not satisfied with the conduct or decision of the Court. ment produced; good policy seems to require more moderation and forbearance in future. An Act was passed about this time, which assumed a principle, or power in the national government, the constitutionality of which has been frequently since denied or questioned. This is the subject of internal improvements; and it has often been denied that Congress had a constitutional right to expend the public monies for such a purpose. Some have denied such a right in all cases; others have admitted, that on great works of a national character and for the benefit of all the States, and especially, when relating to defence, expenditures might justly be incurred; while a few have doubted the right in all cases. The prevailing opinion seems to have been, that works, not confined in their advantages to a single State, but of general utility and adding to the general improvement and prosperity of the Union, may justly be undertaken at the expense of the national treasury. And the question usually has been, whether a plan, or a work projected, was of that nature. Canals near the sea, to facilitate the means of conveyance from one part of the Union to another, in time of war, are evidently important in a national view. The Act of Congress at this time was for the survey, and preparing for travel, a public road from the north bank in the Potomac, to the river Ohio, near Wheeling; with a view to facilitate the intercourse between the country on and near the Atlantic, and the settlements in the valley of the Mississippi, and the northwestern territory. It was chiefly in the State of Virginia; but it would not be for the exclusive benefit of the people of that State, but for those of the other States on the Atlantic, and for those in the western parts of the Union; and would also render the public lands in the northwest far more valuable. The political friends of the administration which approved of the measure, have generally, in all cases of a similar nature since, opposed the right of making appropriations for internal improvements. The road has proved to be of great public benefit to a large portion of the Union; but the sum first voted was not the one hundredth part of the amount afterwards granted to finish and repair the road. In 1807, Congress also made a law, for the punishment of all frauds, which should be committed on the National Bank. The penalty was not death, which, in European governments is inflicted for such a crime; but it was very severe, rendering the persons convicted liable to several years imprisonment, and to a heavy fine. This was not a party question. It was approved by all classes of citizens, and considered necessary for the security of individ uals and the government. Negotiations had now been pursued for some time, for forming a treaty between the United States and England, on the subject of neutral rights, which the British government was charged with having violated; particularly in the seizure of American vessels trading to any. country with which it was at war; and in taking men by force from vessels of the United States, under the pretence of their being British subjects. These questions had long been agitated, and the claims set up by Great Britain were highly injurious to the commercial interests of the United States. Two Envoys were sent to London in 1806, to enter into negotiations relating to these important points. After much discussion and delay, a treaty was signed by the American and British ministers, and forwarded to the President early in 1807. But as there was no definite and explicit agreement, on the part of the British, to relinquish their claim of taking their own seamen wherever they might find them; which the American Envoys had been instructed not to recognize, especially as to public vessels; and as an article was appended to the treaty after signing, by which the British government might require of the United States-in case of an invasion or blockage of England by the French, which was then threatened-a variation from the stipulations of the treaty, favorable to Great Britain, the President chose not to submit it to the Senate. The additional article, however, it was said might be rejected or declined, without danger to the other parts of the treaty, which had been deliberately adopted by the ministers of both nations. And it was therefore believed that circumstances would not justify a rejection of the whole treaty. The article respecting the impressment of seamen, was modified and rendered less objectionable, by an agreement that the British ships of war should be forbidden to take any men except English subjects; and to do this not by violence or in such manner as to give offence. But the President considered the additional article, to which he would not in any sense assent, as furnishing an objection to the treaty itself; and he was also dissatis The article required, that the American government should adopt the same rule towards one belligerent, (England) as it had towards the other, (France.) Or, in other words, the British ministers reserved the right of refusing to ratify the treaty, if France did not abandon its (unjust) pretensions; or should the United States submit to them. |