necessary expenses of government, are impatient of restraint, easily excited, ready to listen to, and liable to be deceived by, such as profess to be their special friends and the asserters of civil liberty. Their great error consists in want of due inquiry, and just discrimination. They decide hastily, and, therefore, often erroneously. And their best friends will probably be censured and reproached, while such as make strong professions, and declaim most loudly in the cause of political freedom are applauded and followed. In 1798, it appeared to be almost the universal sentiment of the people, that the conduct of the administration, and the measures adopted by Congress, were proper, wise, and necessary. Before the close of 1800, without any change of policy, or extravagance in public expenditures, or charge of passing arbitrary or oppressive laws, the majority in the national legislature were found to be the opponents of the administration, and the popular voice was in condemnation of the measures which had been pursued and approved. There were some men of talents and of plausible political theories, who were constantly engaged in making misrepre sentations, and in exciting the prejudices of the people. They had false views of human nature, and represented man as needing little or no restraints from law and government. They professed to believe that human governments ought to have far less power, than was common, and the people more freedom; that riots and excesses might sometimes be witnessed; but that the good sense and virtue of the people would suppress them. The exhibition of the disorders and extravagances, of the cruelties and outrages in France, for six years, under the sacred name of liberty, failed to convince them of their erroneous theory, and of the necessity of authority in civil government, to guarantee the full enjoyment of freedom to all the people.

Sometime after the American Envoys reached Paris, where they proceeded, on receiving direct assurances of being received with due respect, three commissioners were appointed by the French government, to treat with them. Napoleon Buonaparte was then First Consul; and the rulers having been recently changed, professed a strong desire to be on terms of peace and friendship with the United States. Joseph Buonaparte, a brother of the First Consul, was one of the commissioners. A treaty was prepared, and signed the first of October; and afterwards received formal ratification by the French government, and a conditional agreement by the President and Senate of the

United States.* It related chiefly to the compensation to be made by the French government for depredations on the American commerce; but not to the extent, nor embracing the whole period of such depredations, as urged and claimed by the federal government. These claims it was stipulated should be considered at a subsequent time; but the treaty of alliance of 1778, and the convention of a later period, November, 1788, were to have no effect thereafter; and the future relations and intercourse of the two nations were particularly defined and regulated. It was a great objection to the treaty, that it did not definitely and expressly stipulate indemnification for recent depredations by French vessels on the commerce of the United States, which were very extensive, and very severely felt; and on this account was not fully confirmed by the Senate. Such provision had been made in the treaty with Great Britain in 1794; and yet that treaty was condemned as humiliating and dishonorable, by the French party, at that time. The claims of the United States on France were not, indeed, abandoned; and the friends of the administration refrained from all denunciations and clamors against the treaty, in the confident belief that the President and Senate would not give it their sanction, should it be found derogatory to national rights, or injurious to the interests of the mercantile community.

So desirous was Mr. Adams of avoiding a war with France, and of maintaining pacific relations between the United States and that nation, that his efforts for those objects were censured by some of his fellow-citizens; and he was represented as not sufficiently firm and decided in supporting the honor of the American government. The charge was alike unjust and impolitic. Mr. Adams was well aware of the instability of the French government, at that period, and of the improper conduct of the rulers of that nation in 1798, to commit himself by any unreasonable confidence in their promises; and much less of placing the destinies of the United States in their hands. But, like a wise statesman, he considered the feelings of the great body

The President was disposed to ratify the treaty as it was originally ap proved by the Envoys, in whom he had great confidence, and being apprehensive of the result of a conditional acceptance. But the majority of the Senate were opposed to two articles, and suspended them for further negotiation. When the conditional ratification was sent to France by Mr. Jefferson, soon after, who succeeded Mr. Adams on the fourth of March 1801, he appointed Mr. Vans Murray, and Mr. John Dawson of Virginia, to negotiate on the subject of those two articles. The treaty was submitted to the Senate in December, 1800, soon after it was received by the President, but the Senate did not give a final decision till near the close of the session in March.

of the people towards France, and would leave no reasonable efforts untried for peace and reconciliation. The people generally approved of his policy. And it was his peculiar honor to receive the entire approbation and confidence of General Washington at that critical period.

The second session of the sixth Congress was held at Washington city, in November, 1800, and the last address of President Adams to the national legislature, at the opening of that session, contained the following impressive remarks:

"I congratulate the people of the United States on the assembling of Congress at the permanent seat of their government; and I congratulate you, gentlemen, on the prospect of a residence not to be changed. It would be unbecoming the representatives of the nation to assemble for the first time in this solemn temple, without looking up to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, and imploring his blessing. May this territory be the residence of virtue and happiness. And in this city, may that piety and virtue, that wisdom and magnanimity, that constancy and self-government, which adorned the great character, whose name it bears, be forever held in veneration. Here, and throughout our country, may simple manners, pure morals, and true religion flourish forever.

"You will see this the capital of a great nation, which is advancing with unexampled rapidity, in arts, in commerce, in wealth, and in population; and possessing within itself those energies, and resources, which, if not thrown away, or lamentably misdirected, will secure to it a long course of prosperity and self-government.

"While our best endeavors for the preservation of harmony with all nations will continue to be used, the experience of the world, and our own experience also, admonish us of the insecurity of trusting too confidently to their success. We cannot, without committing a dangerous imprudence, abandon those measures of self-protection, which are adapted to our situation, and to which, notwithstanding our pacific policy, the violence and injustice of others may compel us to resort. While our vast extent of seacoast, the commercial and agricultural habits of our people, the great capital they will continue to trust on the ocean, suggest the system of defence, which will be most beneficial to ourselves, our distance from Europe and our resources for maritime strength, will enable us to employ it with effect. Seasonable and systematic arrangements, so far as our resources will justify, for a navy adapted to defensive war, and which, in case of necessity, may quickly be brought

into use, seem to be as much recommended by a wise and true economy, as by a just regard for our future tranquility, for the safety of our shores, and for the protection of our property committed to the ocean.

"The present navy of the United States, called suddenly into existence by a great national exigency, has raised us in our own esteem; and by the protection afforded to our commerce, has effected to the full extent of our expectations, the object for which it was created.*

"In connection with a navy, ought to be contemplated the fortification of some of our principal seaports and harbors. A variety of considerations, which will readily suggest themselves, urge an attention to this measure of precaution. To give security to our principal ports, considerable sums have already been expended, but the works remain incomplete.

"I observe, with much satisfaction, that the product of the revenue, during the present year, has been more considerable than during any former equal period.† The result affords conclusive evidence of the great resources of the country, and of the wisdom and efficiency of the measures, which have been adopted by Congress for the protection of commerce and the preservation of public credit.

"As one of the grand community of nations, our attention is irresistibly drawn to the important scenes which surround us. If they have exhibited an uncommon portion of calamity, it is the province of humanity to deplore, and of wisdom to avoid the causes which may have produced them. If turning our eyes homeward we find reason to rejoice at the prospect which presents itself; if we perceive the interior of our country prosperous, free, and happy; if we enjoy in safety, under the protection of law, emanating from the general will, the fruits of our own labor, we ought to fortify and cling to those institutions, which have been

At this period, the naval establishment consisted of 5 large frigates, of 44 guns each-4 frigates of 36 guns-2 frigates of 32 guns-4 ships, carrying 24 guns on main deck, and 8 on quarter deck-8 sloops of war, of 20, or 22 guns -3 do. of 18 guns-2 of 16 guns-5 of 12 or 14 guns-33 in all-besides 17 gallies.

† By the exhibit of the Secretary of the Treasury, at close of year 1800, there was the sum of 3,000,000 dollars in treasury; though part was of unexpended appropriations. The expenses for 1801, were estimated at five and half million dollars-2,340,000 of it for navy department. For civil list $600,000.— But for the navy, and the arming of merchantmen, (opposed by those not in favor of Adams's administration,) the revenue would not probably have been half the amount; yet his measures were represented as highly injurious by his political opponents.

the source of so much real felicity, and resist, with unabating perseverance, the progress of those dangerous innovations, which may impair their salutary influence."

The President gave Congress information, at this time, that a treaty had been made with the King of Prussia, solely and chiefly for commercial objects; and that the provisional army had been disbanded, or reduced, as authorized by the national legislature, at their preceding session. The most important acts of Congress at this meeting, held from November to the third of March, were the followingAn additional law relating to the federal Judiciary, by which district circuit courts were established to be holden by Justices different from the Justices of the Supreme Court, and the Judge of a District Court; the circuits or districts to be six in number; each to consist of several adjoining States, to consist of three Justices in each circuit or district; and to have appellate jurisdiction in appeals from the District Courts, instead of appeals, as by the former law on the Judiciary, to a tribunal composed of a Justice of the Supreme Court and the District Judge; which was considered not so favorable to an independent decision, owing to the organization of that Court. The circuit courts established by the law were invested with all the powers before granted to the former circuit courts, composed as above stated. An act for a naval peace establishment, by which the President was empowered, when he should think it safe and proper, to sell the ships of the United States, except thirteen of the largest frigates; that six of these be hauled up and dismantled; and the others retained in service, properly officered and manned, as he might direct. An act for continuing the mint establishment in Philadelphia; and for directing the mode of estimating foreign coins; for extending routes for conveying the public mails; and for erecting several new lighthouses on the seacoasts.

The subject of erecting a mausoleum or monument to the memory of Washington, was frequently discussed in Congress during this session. A mausoleum was first proposed, but the expense was an objection with many; it was, however, voted by the House of Representatives, to erect a mausoleum, and one hundred thousand dollars appropriated for the purpose; but the Senate rejected the plan, and decided in favor of a monument, as it would be less expensive, and voted only fifty thousand dollars to complete it.

Near the close of the year, 1800, Mr. Wolcott resigned the office of Secretary of the United States treasury, and left the national finances in a prosperous condition. He