arrayed themselves on the right side of the hall, and the Whigs on the left. The latter was presided over by Anselm T. Holcomb, of Gallia. Thus the contestants sat for weeks. The Democrats remained in session day and night in order to retain possession of the Speaker's chair. The only sound heard all that time of a legislative import was the wearisome and monotonous roll call of the counties from day to day, each side hoping to secure a quorum. The Democrats had sworn in forty members, including Pugh and Pierce, of Hamilton county; the Whigs also swore in thirty-two members, including Spencer and Runyan. Neither party had a quorum, for under the constitution of 1802 two-thirds of all the members constituted a quorum.

There were eight Free-Soil members of the House, and they submitted a proposition on the 22d of December looking to a settlement. It was agreed that the members whose titles were not in dispute should organize the House, and then the question of who were entitled to seats should be settled. This was done, and on the 3d of January, 1849, the House organized by electing John G. Breslin, Speaker; on the 26th Pugh and Pierce were declared duly elected members.

At the following session a similar contest occurred in the Senate, and the same question growing out of the division of Hamilton county arose. The discussion and blockade of legislation lasted for seven weeks after December 3, 1849; the contested seat was given to the Democrat. Both of these contests were the occasion of much political bitterness, and very great earnestness and determination was dis

played by both sides. Fortunately, the principle of submission to the forms of law, which is the basis of all our institutions, carried the controversy to a peaceful, if not a satisfactory, conclusion.

In February, 1850, an act calling a second constitutional convention was passed. The convention, composed of one hundred and eight members, met May 6, 1850, at Columbus, in the hall of the House of Representatives. Nearly fifty years had passed since the forming of the first constitution, and in the stupendous development of the State it was generally admitted that the instrument needed change and revision. The people of Ohio have always recognized that constitutional conventions called for the presence of their best men. And we find that, like its predecessor of 1802, the second constitutional convention was filled with men of representative character and ability. The president of the convention was William Medill, of Fairfield county. He was at that time one of the most prominent men in the State.. He had been Speaker of the House of Representatives, member of Congress, Assistant Postmaster General, and Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Edward Tiffin, the president of the constitutional convention of 1802, became the first Governor under that instrument, and William Medill, the president of the second convention, was the first Governor elected under the new constitution he was so influential in forming.

As we read the roll of the convention, we meet many names of men that were great then, and some of men who have become great since. Four of its members became Judges of the Supreme Court

under the organic law they helped to create — Rufus P. Ranney, Josiah Scott, Peter Hitchcock and J. R. Swan; Ex-Governor Vance served as a delegate from Champaign county; Charles Reemelin, the political writer and economist, came as one of the delegates from Hamilton, and his colleague was the accomplished jurist, W. S. Groesbeck; the distinguished lawyer Henry Stanberry, afterwards Attorney General of the United States, was one of Franklin county's delegates; William P. Cutler, a grandson of Rev. Manasseh Cutler, and son of Ephraim Cutler, a member of the constitutional convention of 1802, represented Washington county; Gallia county sent Simeon Nash, the law writer, and Otway Curry, the brilliant editor of the short-lived Hesperian, came from Union county.

Besides these, there were dozens of men without much public standing, but nevertheless strong in every requisite of the position, and representative in every sense of the word.

The convention did its work in one hundred and thirty-five days, and adjourned March 10th, 1851. On the third Tuesday of June following it was submitted to the people, and 125,564 voted for its adoption and 109,276 voted against it, thereby ratifying it by a majority of 16,288.

As the fundamental law of Ohio, it has been singulary satisfactory to the people of the State. More than twenty years after, they rejected a proposed constitution, and expressed by an overwhelming majority their contentment with the work of the convention of 1850. Whatever amendments have been

added to it since have been adopted only after a scrutinizing canvass before the people.

In this decade occurred several political events that mark the beginning of a new school of politics in Ohio. The opposition to slavery was fast displaying itself in the public sentiment of the state. We have seen how pronounced it was on the question of the annexation of Texas, and events of still greater importance were about to occur which would show how strong was the love of freedom in Ohio. Salmon P. Chase appeared in the political arena about this time, and drew curses from his pro-slavery enemies, and admiration from his friends, by his persistent anti-slavery agitation. The ostracizing legislation against the negro in Ohio prior to 1848 seemed to be a reflection of the Kentucky and Virginia slaveholders' ideas, communicated in the early history of the state; there were the following unjust laws on the statute books:

A negro could not be a witness in court if a white man was a party in the case. If he was sued by a white man he could not testify in his own behalf.

No negro could settle in Ohio without furnishing good bondsmen against him becoming a charge on the public.

No negro could vote, by reason of the constitutional provision of 1802.

The children of negroes were denied the benefit of the public schools, notwithstanding the property of the negro was taxed equally with that of his white neighbors.

These were known as the "Black Laws," and they were black indeed in their injustice, for under them

freedom in Ohio was but a step removed from slavery in Kentucky. The State of Ohio was rapidly becoming ashamed of these laws, which were really enacted in the beginning at the instance of the slaveholders of adjoining states. In his message of December 6, 1847, Governor William Bebb sounded the keynote to the Legislature. He said, after speaking of slavery, "Whilst upon this kindred subject I cannot forget that the Black Laws still disgrace our statute books. All I can do is earnestly to reiterate the recommendation for their unqualified repeal."

In the same session (1848-9) of the Legislature that occurred the legislative blockade and the heated contest over the seats of the Hamilton county members, these "Black Laws" were repealed. The bill was drawn by Salmon P. Chase, while at Columbus arguing a case before the Supreme Court. It was introduced by John F. Morse, of Lake county. Following this important step came the election of Chase as United States Senator. The candidate of the Whigs was Thomas Ewing, while William Allen was the choice of the Democrats. Many of the Free Soil members, headed by Mr. Morse, of Lake county, desired the nomination of Joshua R. Giddings, then, as ever afterwards, a strong anti-slavery Congressman from Morse's district. N. S. Townshend, another Free Soiler, advocated Chase's nomination. The contest was between the friends and enemies of slavery, and the Free Soilers had but one object in view, that was to advance the sentiment of free soil and free speech. In fact when Townshend was nominated for the Legislature, he was instructed by his constituency "to act with any party, or against any