motives have had no more to do in the formation of nine-tenths of the intolerant and persecuting laws, which in different countries have been established upon the subject of religion, than they have had to do in England with the making of the game laws. These measures, although they have the Christian Religion for their subject, are resolvable into a principle which Christianity certainly did not plant (and which Christianity could not universally condemn, because it is not universally wrong): which principle is no other than this, that they who are in possession of power do what they can to keep it. Christianity is answerable for no part of the mischief which has been brought upon the world by persecution, except that which has arisen from conscientious persecutors. Now these perhaps have never been either numerous or powerful. Nor is it to Christianity that even their mistake can fairly be imputed. They have been misled by an error not properly Christian or religious, but by an error in their moral philosophy. They pursued the particular, without adverting to the general consequence. Believing certain articles of faith, or a certain mode of worship, to be highly conducive, or perhaps essential to salvation, they thought themselves bound to bring all they could, by every means, into them. And this they thought, without considering what would be the effect of such a conclusion, when adopted amongst mankind as a general rule of conduct. Had there been in the New Testament, what there are in the Koran, precepts authorizing coercion in the propagation of the religion, and the use of violence towards unbelievers, the case Iwould have been different. This distinction could not have been taken, or this defence made.

I apologize for no species nor degree of persecution, but I think that even the fact has been exaggerated. The slave-trade destroys more in a year than the Inquisition does in a hundred, or perhaps hath done since its foundation.

If it be objected, as I apprehend it will be, that Christianity is chargeable with every mischief of which it has been the occasion, though not the motive, I answer, that if the malevolent passions be there, the world will never want occasions. The noxious element

will always find a conductor. Any point will produce an explosion. Did the applauded intercommunity of the Pagan theology preserve the peace of the Roman world---did it prevent oppressions, proscriptions, massacres, devastations? Was it bigotry that carried Alexander into the East, or brought Cæsar into Gaul? Are the nations of the world into which Christianity hath not found its way, or from which it hath been banished, free from contentions? Are their contentions less ruinous and sanguinary? Is it owing to Christianity, or to the want of it, that the finest regions of the East, the countries inter quatuor maria, the peninsula of Greece, together with a great part of the Mediterranean coast, are at this day a desert; or that the banks of the Nile, whose constantly renewed fertility is not to be impaired by neglect, or destroyed by the ravages of war, serve only for the scene of a ferocious anarchy, or the supply of unceasing hostilities? Europe itself has known no religious wars for some centuries, yet has hardly ever been without war. Are the calamities which at this day afflict it to be imputed to Christianity? Hath Poland fallen by a Christian crusade? Hath the overthrow in France, of civil order and security, been effected by the votaries of our religion, or by the foes? Amongst the awful lessons which the crimes and the miseries of that country afford to mankind, this is one: that, in order to be a persecutor, it is not necessary to be a bigot that in rage and cruelty, in mischief and destruction, fanaticism itself can be outdone by infidelity.

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Finally, If war, as it is now carried on between nations, produce less misery and ruin than formerly, we are indebted perhaps to Christianity for the change, more than to any other cause. Viewed therefore even in its relation to this subject, it appears to have been of advantage to the world. It hath humanized the conduct of wars; it hath ceased to excite them.

The differences of opinion that have in all ages prevailed amongst Christians, fall very much within the alternative which has been stated. If we possessed the disposition which Christianity labours, above all other qualities, to inculcate, these differences would do little harm. If that disposition be wanting, other causes, even were

these absent, would continually rise up to call forth the malevolent passions into action. Differences of opinion, when accompanied with mutual charity, which Christianity forbids them to violate, are for the most part innocent, and for some purposes useful. They promote inquiry, discussion, and knowledge. They help to keep up an attention to religious subjects, and a concern about them, which might be apt to die away in the calm and silence of universal agreement. I do not know that it is in any degree true, that the influence of religion is the greatest where there are the fewest dissenters.

HENRY HALLAM, whose name stands very high on the roll of English historical writers, was born in 1778, at Windsor, in the chapel of which place his father, who was Dean of Bristol, held a canonry. He was educated at Eton and at Christchurch, Oxford, and attained some distinction as a classical scholar-a fact to which Lord Byron, in his satire on the Edinburgh Reviewers, makes sarcastic allusion:

"And classic Hallam, much renowned for Greek."

He entered the Inner Temple, of which he afterwards became a bencher, and applied himself to the study of law; but possessing an independent fortune, he never systematically followed the legal profession, but devoted his time chiefly to literary pursuits. He was for some years a contributor to the Edinburgh Review, and in 1818 published his View of Europe during the Middle Ages, which at once established his reputation as an eminent historian.

Other works followed, the character of which tended to confirm and increase the reputation which he had already acquired, and several honorary distinctions were conferred upon him. In 1830 he received one of the gold medals instituted by George IV. for eminence as an historian, and was named a Foreign Associate of the Institute of France. His life was passed in literary retirement, and was saddened by heavy domestic afflictions. Of a numerous family one daughter only survived him; and his keenest sorrow was the loss of his eldest son, Arthura young man of high powers and attainments, whose memory is enshrined in the plaintive and beautiful elegy of Tennyson.

Mr. Hallam died on the 21st of January 1859.

WORKS.

As already mentioned, the first of Mr. Hallam's publications was his State of Europe during the Middle Ages. This work exhibits a comprehensive survey of the chief incidents of the period to which it refers, more especially those which

bear upon the growth of political constitutions and the development of national life. It is not so much an abridgment of medieval history as a selection and combination of those events of it which are linked together in a necessary dependency, which are of permanent interest, and account for and illustrate existing laws and institutions. The different countries of Europe are treated of in separate chapters, and, as the author himself says, "every chapter completes its particular subject, and may be considered in some degree as independent of the rest." Hallam's next work is his Constitutional History of England, from the Accession of Henry VII. to the Death of George II.

This is a most learned, accurate, and impartial production. It combines in a remarkable degree antiquarian research, philosophical dissertation, and literary excellence. Though the author writes from what may be called a Whig point of view, yet he is generous, candid, and just to all parties. A judicial calmness of tone pervades the whole work. The claims and the errors of both sides, the arguments in favour of both views, are, in the case of contending parties or of conflicting opinions, set forth with the most philosophic impartiality. There is no enthusiasm, no warmth of admiration, no expression of strong sympathy or emotion; but everywhere we find the results of acute analysis, clear reasoning, a sober judgment, and a comprehensive understanding.

The Introduction to the Literary History of Europe is the remaining work of our author to which reference must be made. And it presents us with a most able and exhaustive survey of European literature during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries.

The progress of learning, the discoveries of science, the rise of philosophical systems, are all expounded and discussed. The great works of all the great European writers are passed in review. Their subject-matter is analyzed, and their merits and defects weighed in the balance of a sound and sober criticism. Few works display a greater range and diversity of learning, or a clearer and more accurate judgment, or a truer and juster literary taste. All the writings of Hallam are distinguished by the correctness and purity of their style. The language is chaste and classical, preserving for the most part a sober and temperate strain, but putting on sometimes a richer and more picturesque colouring, and rising to a grave and dignified eloquence.

EXTRACTS.

CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY.

REFLECTIONS ON THE EXECUTION OF CHARLES I.

The execution of Charles I. has been mentioned in later ages by a few with unlimited praise-by some with faint and ambiguous