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of Louisiana, acquire an undue influence in the General Government. In the debate upon the admission of Louisiana, Mr. QUINCY, of Massachusetts, used the following language in Congress, January 15, 1811: "If this bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion" (which he committed to writing to prevent misapprehension)" that it is virtually a dissolution of the Union; that it will free the States from their moral obligation; and, as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some to prepare for separation, amicably if they can, VIOLENTLY IF THEY MUST." These were the sentiments of a large number in New England at that time. Most of them lived to adopt more patriotic views, when they saw the relation and value of Louisiana to the whole country. A committee of the Legislature of Massachusetts, 1813, reported the following:

"Resolved, that it is the interest and duty of the people of Massachusetts to oppose the admission of such States (Louisiana) into the Union, as a measure tending to dissolve the Confederacy."

REMARKS.

1. By the election of Mr. JEFFERSON, the Eastern States had lost much of their influence in the General Government. They accused him of being unfriendly to the interests of commerce, and of not taking energetic measures for its protection against the encroachments of England and France, and of laying the embargo in disregard of their interests.

2. Several of the Eastern States made a great mistake in voting for AARON BURR in opposition to Mr. JEFFERSON, on sectional grounds, when the election came into the House of Representatives. They had the constitutional right to do so; but it was not to their honor to endeavor to thwart the wishes of the people of the several States, who had voted for electors who were in favor of Mr. JEFFERSON for President, and of Mr. BURR for Vice-President. They voted for Mr. BURR, who proved to be a bad man, on sectional grounds.

3. The opposition to the purchase of Louisiana was largely sectional, springing as it did from the apprehension that the introduction of new States made from it would still further diminish the influence of the Eastern States. The purchase was, confessedly, unconstitutional.

CHAPTER VI.

MR. MADISON'S ADMINISTRATION.

MARCH 4, 1809-MARCH 4, 1817.

MR. MADISON had acted with the North in framing the Constitution; but he had acted with the South generally in the interpretation of its powers.

The foreign policy adopted by Mr. JEFFERSON in the administration of the Government, was continued by MADISON, injurious though it was to the interests of the commercial States. The commerce of the country was crushed between the upper and the nether millstones of the British orders in council, and the Berlin and Milan decrees. By the one, American ships were excluded from Great Britain; and by the other, from France, to the ruin of our commerce. Mr. MADISON, like Mr. JEFFERSON, was accused of favoring France rather than England, and thus of increasing the evil, first by a commercial contest with the latter nation, by a non-intercourse act, and by an embargo of ninety days, in the way of reprisal, and then by the declaration of war.

To these measures the Northern States, and especially New England, were violently opposed. And their opposition was manifested in newspapers, speeches, and conventions, in bitter and determined language. During the embargo, their ships were rotting at the wharves or on the stocks. Their seamen were idle, and restless, and unhappy. Grass grew in the streets of cities which had been marts of commerce. Bankruptcy was felt or feared. Their harbors were no longer whitened by the

sails of successful commercial adventure. Thousands could say, "My occupation is gone."

The Southern States, on the other hand, generally sustained these anti-commercial measures, and thus provoked the resentment of the North, and the fiercest denunciations. As a specimen of the feelings that prevailed, read the following, originally published in the Connecticut Journal, 1812, from an article entitled, "Slave Representation," by Boreas:

"Awake! O spirit of the North.'

"The article authorizing the Southern negroes to be represented in Congress is the rotten part of the Constitution, and must be amputated. Since the commencement of the Government, its whole undivided influence has been only putrefactive and deadly, although before the fatal change of men and measures on the fourth of March, 1801, its effects were not perceptibly felt on the sounder members of the body politic. That change was wholly effected by slave representation. The slave electoral votes first brought Mr. JEFFERSON into the Presidency; and the slave votes in Congress have turned the majority in favor of many of the worst measures which the Virginia faction have dared to bring forward.

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"If this stain upon the face of the Constitution, this impress of mischief and dishonor, is ever to be blotted out, it must be done at a time when the NORTH, roused by repeated injuries, and provoked by galling oppression, shall appeal directly to her own strength, and to the fears and weakness of the COUNTRY

OF SLAVES.

"At a time when these injuries are deeply felt, and these oppressions are boldly resisted, would we call upon all the men of the North to unite as one man, and that a strong man, armed to take a solemn view of the magnitude and injustice of the grievance, and then at every hazard to apply the needed remedy. *

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"On this subject, all the North have a common interest. To the MEN OF THE NORTH we would boldly and directly make the solemn appeal: Will you suffer the slave country to triumph any longer in this palpable fraud? Will you still look coolly on and witness this foul blot on the page of the Constitution, this

deep stigma on the national honor? If you will, go, and for twelve long, weary years see the commerce of the nation bound, her agriculture blasted, her coffers lavished, and her glory trampled in the dust, by the very man whom Southern slaves have lifted into office."

SECTIONAL OPPOSITION TO THE WAR OF 1812.

The Northern States, having adopted the Federal Constitution mainly for promoting their commercial interests, were very indignant at the passage of the embargo act of 1807, on recommendation of Mr. JEFFERSON; and threats were uttered, first in undertones and then loudly, that they would secede at least a portion of them-from the Union, and form a new confederacy. On the first of March, 1809, just before the accession of Mr. MADISON, the embargo act was repealed, "to appease the New England States."

War was declared against Great Britain, in due form, on the 18th of June, 1812, by a vote of 72 to 49 in the House of Representatives, and 19 to 13 in the Senate. To this war there was a strong opposition manifested in the Eastern States, in the pulpit, the press, in public speeches, and private conversation. Ministers of the Gospel called it an "unholy war," an "unrighteous war." At the time when our armies were invading Canada, some of them prayed "that all invading armies might be cut off," and "that they who take the sword might perish by the sword." The Rev. Mr. GARDINER, in a sermon preached July 23, 1812, in Boston, uses the following language: "The Union has long since been dissolved, and it is full time that this part of the United States should take care of itself." Rev. Dr. PARISH, in Byfield, Mass., delivered a sermon April 7, 1814, in which he uses the following language: "The Israelites became weary of yielding the fruit of their labor to pamper tyrants. They left their political woes. They separated. They separated. Where is our Moses? Where is the rod of his miracles? Where is our Aaron? Alas! no voice from the burning bush has directed him here." These are only specimens.

The press teemed with similar sentiments. "My plan is to withhold our money, and make a separate peace with England."—

Boston Advertiser. "That there will be a revolution, if the war continues, no one can doubt who is acquainted with human nature, and is accustomed to study cause and effect. The Eastern States are marching steadily and straightforward up to the object.”—Federal Republican. These are specimens.

"We call upon our State Legislature to protect us in the enjoyment of those privileges, to assert which our fathers died, and to defend which we profess ourselves ready to resist unto blood.”—Memorial of the citizens of Newburyport, Mass., January 13, 1814. "Resolved, that we place the fullest confidence in the Governor and Legislature of Massachusetts, and in the State authorities of New England; and that to them, under God, the chief Governor of the universe, we look for aid and direction; and that, for the present, until public opinion shall be known, we will not enter our carriages, pay our Continental taxes, or aid, inform, or assist any officer in their collection." Passed by the inhabitants of Reading, Mass., January 5, 1815. "A separation of the States will be an inevitable result. Motives, numerous and urgent, will demand that measure. As they originate in oppression, the oppressors must be responsible for the momentous and contingent events arising from the dissolution of the present Confederacy, and erection of separate governments. It will be their work."-Northern Grievances, p. 4, May, 1814. These are specimens.

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"Yes, sir, I consider this Administration as alien to us, so much so, that New England would be justified in declaring them like all foreign nations, enemies in war, in peace friends." "The States of New England can never be satellites in any system; but, like the primary planets, they will revolve round the sun of Federalism, until the Almighty hand, which created them, shall dash them from their orbits forever."-CYRUS KING, of Massachusetts, in Congress, October 22, 1814.

"On or before the fourth of July next, if JAMES MADISON is not out of office, a new form of government will be in operation in the Eastern section of the Union. Instantly after, the contest in many of the States will be, whether to adhere to the old, or to join the new Government."-Federal Republican, November 7, 1814.

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