and ordinary forces; and it means that the United States must all become either entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina, and the sugar plantations of Louisiana, will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone; or else the rye fields and wheat fields of Massachusetts and New York must again be surrendered by them to slave culture and to the production of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more markets for trade in the bodies and souls of men."

"Slavery can be limited to its present bounds. It can be ameliorated. It can and must be abolished, and you and I can and must do it."-Mr. SEWARD in Ohio, 1848.

Rev. Mr. WHEELOCK addressed a large congregation in Dover, New Hampshire, in a sermon, of which the following is an extract: "It is a great mistake to term this act (BROWN's) the beginning of bloodshed and war. Never could there be a greater error. We have had bloodshed and war for the last ten years. The campaign began on the 7th of March, 1850. The dissolution of the Union dates from that day, and we have had no constitution since. On that day DANIEL WEBSTER was put to death-and such a death! And from that time to this, there has not been a month that has not seen the soil of freedom invaded and attacked, our citizens kidnapped, imprisoned, and shot, or driven by thousands into Canada."

Gov. CHASE said to W. D. CHADWICK GLOVER, Dec. 27, 1859: "I do not wish to have the slave emancipated because I love him, but because I hate his master. I hate slavery. I hate a man that will own a slave."

"There is really no union now between the North and the South; and he believed no two nations on the earth entertain feelings of more bitter rancor towards each other, than these two nations of the Republic. The only salvation, therefore, of the Union is to be found in dividing it entirely from the taint of slavery."-Senator WADE, of Ohio, in Maine.

"I have read the Impending Crisis of the South with great attention. It seems to me a work of great merit; rich yet accurate in statistical information, and logical in analysis."WILLIAM H. SEWARD, 1859.

"The time is fast approaching when the cry will become too overpowering to resist. Rather than tolerate national slavery as it now exists, let the Union be demolished at once, and then the sin of slavery will rest where it belongs."-New York Trib

une.

"I have no doubt but the free and slave States ought to be separated. The Union is not worth supporting in

* * *

connection with the South."-Idem.

A leading member of the Convention that nominated Mr. FREMONT, namely, JAMES WATSON WEBB, uttered the following as the sentiment of the people: "They (the people) ask us to give them a nomination which, when fairly put before the people, will unite public sentiment, and through the ballot-box will restrain and repel the pro-slavery extension, and this aggression of the slaveocracy. What else are they doing? They tell you that they are willing to abide by the ballot-box, and willing to make that the last appeal. If we fail there, what then? We will drive it back sword in hand, so help me, God! Believing them to be right, I am with them." "This sentiment was loudly cheered by the Convention." In July, 1860, he declared: "If a Southern State should attempt to resist, she will be made to submit, and bear herself with deference and respect thereafter to those who are morally and socially her equals, and politically and physically her superiors, and when provoked to demonstrate it, if need be, her masters."

On page 648 of the Congressional Globe, of the first Session of the thirty-third Congress, Mr. GIDDINGS, Member of Congress from Ohio, is reported to have spoken as follows:

"When the contest shall come; when the thunder shall roll, and the lightning flash; when the slaves shall rise in the South; when, in emulation of the Cuban bondmen, the Southern slaves shall feel that they are men; when they shall feel the stirring emotions of immortality, and shall recognize the stirring truth that they are men, and entitled to the rights that God has bestowed upon them; when the slaves shall feel that, and when masters shall turn pale and tremble, when their dwellings shall smoke, and dismay shall sit on each countenance, then, sir, I do not say, we shall laugh at your calamity and mock when your fear cometh; but I do say, that when that time shall come, the

exert the legitimate We shall then have

lovers of our race will stand forth and powers of this Government for freedom. constitutional power to act for the good of our country, and do justice to the slave. Then will we strike off the shackles from the limbs of the slave. Then will be a period when this Government will have power to act between slavery and freedom, and when it can make peace by giving freedom to the slaves. And let me tell you, Mr. Speaker, that time hastens. It is rolling forward. The President is exerting a power that will hasten it, though not intended by him. I hail it as I do the dawn of that political and moral millennium, which I am well assured will come on the earth."

"It is written in the Constitution of the United States, that five slaves shall count equal to three freemen, as a basis of representation, and it is written also, in violation of the Divine Law, that we shall surrender the fugitive slave who takes refuge at our fireside from his relentless pursuer."-Senator SEWARD in Ohio, 1848.

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In an address delivered in Boston, 1855, Mr. BURLINGAME, Member of Congress, said: “If asked to state particularly what he would do, he would answer, first, repeal the Nebraska bill; second, repeal the fugitive slave law; third, abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; fourth, abolish the internal slave trade; next, he would declare that slavery should not spread one inch in the Union; he would then put the Government actually and perpetually on the side of freedom. * He would have judges that believed in a higher law; an anti-slavery Constitution, an anti-slavery Bible, and an anti-slavery God. Having thus denationalized slavery, he would not menace it in the States where it now exists, but would say to the States, It is your local institution; hug it to your bosom until it destroys you. But he would say, you must let our freedom alone. [Applause.]. If you but touch the hem of her garment we will trample you to the earth. [Loud applause.] This is the only condition of repose, and it must come to this."

On the 9th of June, 1841, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS said "that, in the event of a servile war, his own opinion would be, that if the free portion of people of this Union were called upon to support the institutions of the South by suppressing the slaves,

and a servile war in consequence of it, in that case he would not say that Congress had no right to interfere with the institutions of the South; that the very fact, perhaps, that the free portion of the people of this Union were called to sacrifice their blood and their treasure for the purpose of suppressing a war in a case in which a most distinguished Southern man, the author of the Declaration of Independence, had declared that in that event the Almighty had no attribute that sided with the master, he would say, that if the free portion of this Union were called upon to expend their blood and their treasure to support that cause which had the curse and the displeasure of the Almighty upon it, he would say, that this same Congress would sanction an expenditure of blood and treasure, for that cause itself would come within the constitutional action of Congress, and there would be no longer any pretension that Congress had not the right to interfere with the institutions of the South, inasmuch as the very fact that the people of the free portion of the Union marching to the support of the masters would be an interference with those institutions; and that in the event of a war the result of which no man could tell, the treaty-making power came to be equivalent to universal emancipation."

"Mr. INGERSOLL, Member from Pennsylvania, interrupted Mr. ADAMS with the expression of the deepest indignation of his soul at the utterance of such a doctrine."

On the 21st of February, 1843, Mr. DELLET, of Alabama, asked Mr. ADAMS whether he understood him on another occasion to say, "that in God's good time the abolition of slavery would come, and let it come."

Mr. DELLET asked Mr. ADAMS if he understood him.

Mr. ADAMS nodded assent, and said with great earnestness, "Let it come."

Mr. DELLET. Yes, let it come. No matter what the consequences, let it come, said the gentleman. Let it come, though women and children should be slain, though blood should flow like water, though the Union itself be destroyed, though Government shall be broken up. No matter though five millions of the people of the South perish.

Mr. ADAMS, (in his seat.) "Five hundred millions, let it come." Was this a mental paroxysm, or habitual feeling?

Senator HENRY WILSON, in Boston, Jan. 21, 1851: "We shall arrest the extension of slavery, and rescue the Government from the grasp of the slave power. We shall blot out slavery in the National Capitol. We shall surround the slave States with a cordon of free States. We shall then appeal to the hearts and consciences of men, and, in a few years, notwithstanding the immense interests of mankind connected with the cause of oppression, we shall give liberty to the millions in bondage. I trust many of us shall live to see the chain stricken from the limbs of the last bondman in the Republic! But, sir, whenever that day shall come, living or dead, no man connected with the anti-slavery movement will be dearer to enfranchised millions, than the name of your guest, WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON."

CALEB CUSHING IN BOSTON, 1859.

"I showed you how, under the influence of their malign teachings, all party action, North and South, was running in the` channel of a desperate and deplorable sectionalism, and that, above all, here in Massachusetts, all the sectional influences dominant in this State were founded upon the single emotion of hate-ay, hate; treacherous, ferocious hate of our fellow-citizens in the Southern States. [Applause, and cries of Good, good.]

"Under the influence of this monomania, they have set up in this Commonwealth a religion of hate—ay, a religion of hate and of blasphemy. O God! that such things are in this our day!

"What more, gentlemen? We have had our ears filled with alleged sympathies for JOHN BROWN; of apologies for his act; of reproaches against the persons whom he was endeavoring to slaughter in cold blood; of sneers at the State of Virginia; of ridicule of the terror of the unarmed women and children of Virginia. I say, sympathy for all this. Gentlemen, it is not sympathy for JOHN BROWN. It is another form of the manifestation of that same intense and ferocious hatred of the people of the South which animates the persons of whom I am speaking. [Applause.] Hatred! Hatred! Now the fact has been told us, that, in all times, hate must have its food of blood. How long are the people of Massachusetts to have their souls