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ment of pro-slavery physicians; no audience to pro-slavery parsons. “5. No more hiring of slaves by non-slaveholders. “6. Abrupt discontinuance of subscription to pro-slavery newspapers. “7. The greatest possible encouragement to free white labor.” These are portions of the extracts from HELPER's book, which, at the request of the mover, were read by the clerk of the House. Portions omitted are more outrageously bitter and insulting than the portions quoted. Mr. CLARK, the mover of the resolution, after the reading of the extracts, proceeded to say: “I have had that document read, in order that the country, as well as this body, might be informed of the position held by certain gentlemen of the Republican party, and especially by those who have been recommended for the Speakership of this House. The extracts which have been read, are, in substance, true extracts from the book itself, which is in the House. Those extracts have been examined and marked. It appears by those extracts that nearly all the Republican members of the last Congress, and certain members of the present, recommended certain things to the nonslaveholders of the South; and among them, non-fellowship either socially or politically, with slaveholders. If such be the purpose of the gentlemen of this House who signed that paper, let me ask, has it indeed come to this, that gentlemen of the North who live under institutions secured to them by the Constitution of their country, which institutions we have never attempted to invade; that gentlemen living in a bond of union, and under a Constitution that cost so much blood and so much treasure, and under which, by the co-operation of both North and South, our country has grown to its present strength and importance—has it come to this, that they have got their own W consent, and expect the country will agree to it, to advise those of the South who do not happen to own slaves, to rise in rebellion and destroy the slave interest, part by non-intercourse in religion, or socially or politically; and then by advising them not to wait to strike the blow until their arms are powerless, but to exterminate the odious institution, peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must Such are the directions recommended by the paper which was signed by at least two members of this House, who have been recommended by the Republicans for the Speakership. * * “Sir: Do these gentlemen suppose that slaveholders who have won the confidence of their constituents, and who have been sent here to assist in making laws and preserving the Constitution, and keeping the Government intact, feel themselves honored by their association ? If they do, they are greatly deceived. We have been on terms of personal intimacy with them. Every gentleman in this House who knows me, knows that my intercourse with them has been marked with the utmost urbanity. I have met Representatives in this Hall coming from all parts of the country, as my compeers in every relation in life. But can I continue to do so, except gentlemen disclaim having advised my constituents—half of whom are non-slaveholders, to have no intercourse with me; not to visit the church where I worship; to strike down and ostracize slaveholding ministers; to abandon hotels where there are slave waiters; to discountenance patronage to newspapers that are conducted by slaveholders? If they expect to play this game, the sooner it is avowed the better. * * “These gentlemen come in and say that the riches of the South are neglected by the bad management of the South; that the accursed plague of slavery does it; and, therefore, that the non-slaveholders of the South should rise in their majesty— peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must—take their arms, drive out the plague of slavery, take possession of the country, and dedicate it to freedom. “That is the sentiment of the book which those gentlemen recommend to have circulated gratuitously all over the South. Are such men fit to preside over the destinies of our common country?” In this book occurs the following paragraph: “This is the outline of our scheme for the obliteration of slavery in the Southern States. Let it be acted upon with due promptitude, and as certain as truth is mightier than error, fifteen years will not elapse before every foot of territory from the mouth of the Delaware to the Rio Grande will glitter with the jewels of freedom.”

There was a subscription set on foot in the city of New York for the gratuitous distribution of one hundred thousand copies. To the fund thus raised, it was said that the Governor of New York contributed one hundred dollars. Besides the sixty-eight members of Congress who recommended HELPER's book, Senator WADE of Ohio said: “I had looked over the book, and saw nothing objectionable.” Senator Seward also spoke favorably of it. A portion of a pamphlet was read, Dec. 20, 1859, at the request of Mr. WALLANDIGHAM, “which was extensively circulated in the Northern, Southern, and Western States of this Union, and which contains the plan of associations to be formed for the purpose of carrying on hostilities against a portion of this Confederacy.” After certain annunciation of principles, and after certain preliminaries, it was proposed “to land military forces in the Southern States, who shall raise the standard of freedom, and call the slaves to it, and such free persons as may be willing to join it. “Our plan is to make war openly or secretly as circumstances may dictate, upon the property of the slaveholders and their abettors, not for its destruction, if that can be easily avoided, but to convert it to the use of the slaves. If it cannot thus be converted, we advise its destruction. Teach the slaves to burn their masters’ buildings, to kill their cattle and hogs, to conceal and destroy farming utensils, to abandon labor in seed time and harvest, and let the crops perish. Make slave labor unprofitable in this way if it can be done in no other. “To make slaveholders objects of derision and contempt by Jlogging them whenever they shall be guilty of flogging their slaves.” This plan JoHN BROWN attempted to carry into practice. Mr. SHERMAN, the candidate for the Speakership, and against whose election Mr. CLARK's resolution was introduced, as one of the signers of the recommendation of HELPER's book, was defeated.

THE JOHN BROWN INVASION.

John BrowN, in the autumn of 1859, with twenty-three others, obtained forcible possession of the armory at Harper's Ferry, Virginia. In the Senate of the United States, Mr. MAsoN, Senator from Virginia, brought forward a resolution to appoint a committee to investigate the facts in the case. This resolution at its introduction had to encounter an amendment offered by Mr. TRUMBULL, of Illinois, designed, it was asserted, to embarrass the action of the Senate in the matter. It also had to encounter the argument and ridicule of Senator HALE, in the same body. Mr. HALE, of New Hampshire, December 6: “I am free to say, sir, that while I desire now, as I have always desired, this Union may be perpetual, I confess I do see danger to it. I do not see danger from any thing we are doing in the Free States, not the slightest; but I do see danger to this Union from the continued obloquy, reproach, and crimination which is heaped upon the people of the Free States, every time there is any thing calling attention to the subject in the South. * * “I do not see, for myself, how Southern gentlemen can consent to live in a Union, if they believe that those who are associated with them are the characters which the public press represent us to be; if we are so utterly false not only to the oaths that we have taken to support the Constitution, but to the moral obligations which ought to bind us as patriots and Christians. If the sentiment, that we are so utterly wanting in all those qualities of character, is to be continually and eternally iterated and re-iterated from one of the sections of the country, where these transactions may take place, to the other, there will be a feeling generated which will be fatal to the Union.” Mr. HUNTER, of Virginia, on the same day spoke as follows: “Mr. President, I rise to express my surprise at the manner in which the resolution offered by my colleague has been received —a resolution temperate, proper, and made essentially necessary by circumstances of recent occurrence. I had presumed that no obstacle would be thrown in the way, but that Senators on all sides of the House would agree to go into the inquiry. “It is known to all that a most atrocious outrage has been committed upon the State which I have the honor in part to represent; that the people of a town reposing in the hours of night, in all the confidence of peace and conscious innocence of all purposes of wrong to mankind, were suddenly invaded, and attacked by a band of armed men from non-slaveholding States; that unarmed men were shot down in the streets; that murders were committed; that an attempt was openly made, not only to subvert the Constitution of the United States, but the Constitution of Virginia; that men were seized and dragged from their habitations at night, and that attempts were made to excite servile insurrection and civil war in its most horrid form. It is known too, sir, that complicity has been charged, not on the part of the South, but by individuals professing to have been in the employment of persons and associations in the non-slaveholding States; and it is also known to those who come from the South, at least, that the public mind has been startled, not so much by the foray of BRowN and his twenty-three men, as by the open sympathy and approbation which have been manifested by portions of the North in regard to that attempt, and the apparent indifference with which it has been treated by those who, we had a right to hope, would have been more conservative in their feelings and actions upon such a subject. “Sir, I had supposed that such indecent exhibitions of sympathy for crime would have been frowned down by an outburst of public opinion on the part of those in the midst of whom such things were perpetrated. * * , “And now, sir, when my colleague proposes, in temperate language, merely to inquire into the facts of the case, and to raise a committee to see whether any thing can be done by the authorities of this Government to prevent the repetition of such outrages, how is it met 2 The Senator from Illinois proposes to stifle such inquiry-by making a party issue, and turning the whole subject into a matter of merg partisan warfare and discussion. * * “Still less had we supposed that such a question was to be met with the levity of the Senator from New Hampshire. Why, sir, upon such occasions as these, upon such occasions as this—I will not say as these, for it has no parallel in the history of our Government—to see such a subject treated with the levity in which he is disposed to deal with it, sounds to me, at least, like the laugh of the inebriate or the insensate in the chamber of death itself. I tell him, sir, that much depends upon what is the real state of Northern feeling in regard to

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