610

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. [CHAP. VIII.

purpose long entertained, sent forth a farewell address to the people of the United States, in which he endeavored to render all the weight which he still held in the esteem and affection of his fellow-citizens more promotive of the solid and lasting interests of his country, by giving them the best counsels his experience, his sound judgment, and love of country had suggested, to guard them against those errors to which they might be deemed most liable, and to which the Government might be most exposed. It is too familiar to all to require a more particular notice.

Much has been said about the authorship of this address, which many first ascribed to Mr. Madison, and others since have yet more confidently ascribed to Mr. Hamilton. It appears, from undoubted evidence, that he had applied to Mr. Madison to draft such a paper on the hints which he suggested; and further, that, to a small extent, in the published address is actually incorporated part of Madison's draft. About Hamilton's share there is more uncertainty. He seems to have given the paper its present form; but how much of the materials are his, and how much are Washington's, cannot now be ascertained; but since the finished address conforms, in the main, to the suggestions first made to Madison, and since, according to the natural effect of long meditation, the topics would increase in number, and be viewed in more varied lights and relations, it seems fair to infer that the subsequent additions were substantially Washington's, and that Hamilton merely reduced them to form. Nor was it necessary to suppose even this, but for the testimony of Mr. Jay,' since there is nothing in the address. which is superior in force, clearness, or elegance, to some of the later productions, of Washington's pen, whose style, great exercise and assiduous care, had improved

1 XII. Sparks's Washington, page 395.

1796.]

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.

611

to a degree, which, considering the small advantage he had derived from early cultivation, was truly surprising.

This address, from such a man, has become more and more the test of orthodoxy to American patriots, and it seems likely to prove at all times an efficient appeal to the hearts of Americans in favor of union, and the principles of the Federal Constitution.

In the autumn, the Presidential election took place, and the Federal candidates for President and Vice-President were John Adams, and Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina; on the part of the Republicans, Mr. Jefferson, and next to him, Aaron Burr of New York, seemed to be the most popular. The Federal party were somewhat divided about their candidate, while the mass of them were in favor of Adams, the Vice-President, Hamilton and his friends gave a preference to Thomas Pinckney, lately Minister to England. The result was, that John Adams feceived seventy-one of the one hundred and thirty-nine votes, and was consequently elected President; Jefferson received sixty-eight votes, which being the next highest, made him Vice-President; Pinckney, the other Federal candidate, having received but fifty

nine votes.

The election was a close one; and if Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North Carolina, had not each given Adams one vote, though all the other votes of those States were given to Jefferson, their respective numbers would have been reversed, and Jefferson had been the President, and Adams had continued to be the Vice-President. New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and the New England States gave an unanimous vote for Adams. Pennsylvania, the Western States, and Southern States, voted unanimously for Jefferson, with the exception of the three votes that have been mentioned. Had the

612 WASHINGTON'S LAST SPEECH TO CONGRESS. [CHAP. VIII.

votes of Virginia and North Carolina been by general ticket, as they subsequently were, or by the Legislature, Jefferson and Adams would have received the same number of votes, in which case, the election devolving on the House of Representatives, although there was a numerical majority of Republican Representatives, there was a majority of Federal States, and Adams would consequently have been elected.

The President, in his last opening speech to Congress, congratulated them on the condition of the United States, and on the success of that humane system which had been adopted towards the Indians. After adverting to the treaties with Great Britain, with Spain, and with Algiers, and the measures adopted by the United States in conformity with them, he spoke of a navy as indispensable to so commercial a nation as the United States, more especially as the most guarded neutrality would not defend them against the depredations of the belligerents, and as such means of defence often prove the best security against war: that the trade to the Mediterranean, without a protecting force, would always be insecure. He therefore recommends the providing materials for the building and equipping ships-of-war, and the encouragement of such manufactures as are necessary for the public defence. Institutions for the promotion of agriculture are also strongly recommended. He urged, in like manner, the advantages of a national university, and of a military academy, on both of which he dilates at some length. He then mentions the expediency of augmenting the compensation to the higher officers of the Government, if we would not too much narrow the field of choice, and, contrary to the principles of republican government, exclude from public trusts all who are not in possession of wealth.

1796.]

THE PRESIDENT'S SPEECH.

613 He adverted to the difficulties with France, and to the injuries sustained from French cruisers. He affirms his constant and earnest efforts to preserve harmony with that republic, which should still continue, but that this subject would be resumed in a special message. In this last address he takes occasion to refer to the success of the experiment of the Federal Constitution.

The answers of both Houses were respectful and cordial. But while that of the Senate passed unanimously, that of the House encountered opposition. Mr. Giles led the way in objecting to the address. He said if the committee had merely spoken of the patriotism, virtue, and integrity of the President, they might have obtained an unanimous vote, but that he could not bear testimony to the wisdom and firmness of the measures of the administration without inconsistency, and casting a censure on himself, as he had for some time opposed those measures. He thought the difficulties in which we were now involved with France were a proof that the course of the administration had not been wise: nor could he consent to express regret that the President had retired from public life. He wished him happiness on his retirement, but he believed there were a thousand citizens as capable of discharging the duties of Chief Magistrate as he.

Several amendments were proposed to the address, which gave rise to a debate that continued for two days. A proposition to strike out a passage which expressed the wish that his example might be the guide of his successors, and thus, after being the ornament and safeguard of the present age, become the patrimony of our descendants, received the votes of twenty-four against fifty-four; and on the final vote for the address, the vote was sixtyseven yeas to twelve nays. All of the opponents were

614

RELATIONS WITH FRANCE. [CHAP. VIII.

from the South and West, except Edward Livingston of New York, and Samuel Maclay of Pennsylvania.

On the twenty-first of December, 1796, the Committee of Ways and Means had been directed to report the measures which ought to be taken relative to the balances found to be due from certain States to the United States.1 That Committee made a report on the twenty-sixth, which was considered and discussed from the thirtieth of December to the fifth of January, when the House adopted two resolutions. By the first, the President was required to give notice to the debtor States of the sums in which they were severally indebted, with an earnest request that they would cause speedy provision for paying the same; which resolution was passed by fifty-seven to twenty-seven. The second provided that payment might be made in the several public stocks of the United States, in the same proportion as had been paid by them to the creditor States; to which no opposition was made. A third resolution, that all transfers of the public debt by any of the debtor States, or by any person for their benefit, were to be suspended until the further action of Congress, being thought to derogate from the rights and dignity of the States, was rejected by sixty-two to twentythree.

In a special message some weeks later the nineteenth of January—the President presented a very full statement of the present relations of the United States with France. A collection of all the letters and papers relative to the subject had been made, to enable Mr. Pinckney to enter into explanations with the French Government; and these papers, together with a letter of instructions from the Secretary of State to Mr. Pinckney, were also communicated.

II. Gales & Seaton's Journals of Congress, page 626.