so serious an impediment to a treaty, and, on the part of some, to recognise the policy that America was to continue a merely agricultural nation, this resolution was postponed. In the ensuing month,* the minister of France anxious to secure to his country a monopoly of the American trade, announced to congress that he would not sign a treaty but in concert with the United States, and at the same time condemned "the too precipitate admission of British vessels into the American ports."

The statesmen of England had, in the mean time, also been occupied with this subject. It has been seen, that while the party which plunged their country into this disastrous conflict-still clinging to the hope of recovering their popularity, by soothing the pride of the nation, and obedient to the prejudices of the monarch-shrank from the express acknowledgment of independence, their opponents, during the brief ascendency of Fox, whose enlightened mind was governed by an enlarged philanthropy, took a different view.

He contended that it became the British government to tender an absolute, unconditional acknowledgment of independence in the first instance, as a measure not less due to her national character, than prompted by her best interests. Similar difference of opinion existed as to the policy which ought to govern the commercial relations of the two countries. William Pitt, asserting the power of his high ability over the councils of Great Britain, warmly advocated a liberal system. "It was a matter of joy to him," he declared, "that America had accepted the recognition of her independence as the price of peace. It was a solid foundation, on which future union with that country might be framed. It was his belief, that both nations would still be connected in interest as well as friendship."

* July 21, 1783.

Fox, contemplating an open trade between the two countries, moved to bring in a bill preventing the requir ing any manifest or other document from vessels of the United States, entering thence into British ports, or clearing in British for their own ports.

The commanding prospective views of these great statesmen were approved by a large body of the merchants. But the bill was opposed in every stage of it by the navigating interest, as an infraction of existing treaties; as a violation of the policy of the navigation act, which, it was contended, by the terms of the settlement with Ireland, would have been wholly repealed, as respected that kingdom, if repealed in any particular affecting England; as a measure unequal in its operation on different parts of the empire, and not warranted by the spirit of the treaty between the United States and France. It was the appeal of established opinions to national prejudices; an appeal rarely unsuccessful. Jenkinson approved the policy, but objected to the bill. Eden, beside its conflict with the act of navigation, declared it would open to the United States the whole carrying trade to the West Indies, and moved an amendment to give to the crown for a limited time, certain powers for the better carrying these purposes into execution. Though Shelburn opposed, this amendment prevailed, and the crown was authorized to make temporary regulations.

The policy of these regulations obviously was to monopolize the navigation. In the direct trade between the West Indies and England, the tropical products were bulky, and required a large tonnage. The wants of the islands only gave small outward freights. It was intended to supply these by the carriage to the United States, thence to the West Indies, and from the West Indies, by a return cargo, to the mother country.

The course of the negotiations on the part of England partook of the fluctuations in her councils. Not long after the signature of the preliminary articles, the king of England instructed Hartley to negotiate a treaty of commerce with the United States. This informality was objected to, and he was subsequently duly commissioned. A proposition* for a temporary convention, authorizing a mutual intercourse on the footing of "natives,” was made on behalf of this country. England declined assenting to it. Hartley then offered to place the trade of the two countries on the same basis as that upon which it had existed before the war; but excluding American citizens from a direct intercourse between the British West Indies and the mother country. This also proved to be unauthorized, and no further instructions were given.

The British ministry, acting on the power of regulation recently conferred upon them, issued two proclamations ; the first of which restrained the importation of the produce of the United States to British vessels, navigated according to her laws, or to vessels belonging to the state of which the cargo was the produce;† and the other, in effect, absolutely prohibited American vessels or citizens from trading to the British colonies. Convinced that no advantage could be derived from longer delay, the definitive treaty of peace, which was a copy of the provisional articles, was signed on the third of September, seventeen hundred and eighty-three.

Soon after this event, copies of the recent proclamations were received by Congress from their ministers, who an

* The article submitted by Jay proposed to exclude the importation of slaves.

Several staples of the United States were also excluded, even in British

bottoms.

nounced propositions for entering into treaties by several leading European powers.

The conduct of England was supposed to indicate the importance of such treaties, and instructions were passed, declaring the principles on which these negotiations should be commenced. They were to have for their basis the mutual advantage of the contracting parties, on terms of equality and reciprocity, and not to be repugnant to their existing treaties. The report of June, as to the terms of a treaty with Great Britain, was thus superseded.

These resolutions passed on the twenty-ninth of October, eighty-three.

This may be regarded as the closing event of the American revolution. With some things to regret, as in all human affairs, there is much to admire and much to applaud in its character and conduct. The scene now changes. Without honest counsels or wise concert for the common weal, selfish passions and selfish purposes are beheld in sad ascendency, marring every great public interest, till Washington wrote, "to be more exposed in the eyes of the world, and more contemptible, than we already are, is hardly possible."

On the third of November, a new Congress assembled at Princeton, when, seven States being represented, a President was chosen, and the next day Jefferson took his seat. The prominence he had already attained, and the still greater prominence he subsequently attained, render a brief recurrence to his past career not inappropriate. His father, Peter, was of Welch extraction, and as his ancestry is not traced, probably little of it was to be known. He commenced life as a millwright, then becom

**

* These facts are all derived from his biographers, George Tucker, and H. S. Randall.

ing a surveyor, he selected a body of land, plain and hill side, near the gap of the Rivanna, and obtained a patent. This, then frontier tract, marked with the recent trails of Indians, he called "Shadwell." On this spot, subsequently known as "Montecello," was born, in the year seventeen hundred and forty-three, Thomas Jefferson, his mother being of the influential family of the Randolphs. Though of limited means, his father wisely gave him all the advantages of education, at that time to be commanded in Virginia. From school he passed into the college of William and Mary, where he acquired the mathematics and classics, in neither a proficient. Williamsburgh being the seat of government, Jefferson was admitted to the society of Governor Fauquier,* alleged to have had upon him an unhappy influence. Here he probably formed the easy, flexile manners which served him much in after life, and caused to be forgotten an appearance not well favored.†

On reaching manhood, he became a practitioner of law; and, at six-and-twenty, was elected by his native county to the House of Burgesses. There he took little part in debate, owing to a physical infirmity,‡ of long duration, but became distinguished for his pen. Thus, when the political storm was rising, the resolutions for a committee of correspondence are ascribed to him. Being asked to propose them, he declined the honor.§ A convention of the State soon after met, when he was selected to draw instructions for the delegates to Congress. Falling sick on the way, he was not present, and his instructions were not presented.

A disciple of Shaftesbury and Bolingbroke.-Randall, 1. 31.

Tucker thus describes him, vol. i. p. 29: "He was tall, thin, and rawboned, had red hair, a freckled face, and pointed features."

Randall, i. 50. "His voice began to sink in his throat."

§ Tucker, i. 52.