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exercise an unreasonable authority over them, they readily consulted together on the means of defence, and took measures for a common resistance. In 1765, a congress of delegates, from nine colonies, assembled at New York, prepared a bill of rights, in which, among other things, the power of taxation was declared to belong solely to their own colonial legislatures; and when it was found that the British ministers still persisted in their attempts to usurp the entire government of this country, the colonies united in sending delegates to Philadelphia, with the general authority to meet and consult together for the common welfare." This was the first real continental Congress, and laid the foundation of subsequent permanent union. Although without any coercive authority, they adopted resolutions, declaratory of what they deemed their unalienable rights, as English freemen; pointing out to their constituents the danger with which their rights were threatened by the proceedings of ministers; and binding them, by the most sacred ties of honour and patriotism, to renounce commerce with Great Britain, as the best means of guarding against her encroachments. The feeling which pervaded the country, gave the force of laws to these recommendations, and the colonies, animated by one spirit, embarked in the same cause of resistance to ministerial aggression.

In May, 1775, a Congress again assembled at Philadelphia, with instructions "to concert, agree upon, direct, order, and prosecute," such measures as they should deem best to obtain redress for American grievances. The whole nation was excited, and measures were taken for open and forcible resistance to the English authority, but the people were not yet prepared to throw off the colonial yoke, and renounce for ever their dependence upon the parent State. It was not till the next year, after blood had been shed, and

preparations for war had been made on both sides, that the people became sensible that they must either submit at discretion to foreign government, or boldly assert their independence; and on the 4th of July, 1776, the Congress assembled at Philadelphia, issued that Declaration, which marks the era of our separate political existence. The new States were now engaged in war with a powerful enemy, and all their efforts were directed to bring it to a happy termination. For this purpose they contracted foreign alliances, and endeavoured to strengthen the union which already existed among themselves. During the continuance of the war, a sense of common danger, and the absolute necessity of co-operation in the glorious cause in which they were engaged, was a sufficient bond of union. But even then, the propriety of some closer connexion than this alone would produce, was so evident, that Congress undertook to prepare articles of confederation, by which the States might be more intimately united; and, in some degree, subject to one controlling power. This plan invested Congress with many of the powers of sovereignty, including the right to make peace and war, the direction of all military affairs, and all transactions with foreign governments. But they could make no laws for the government of individuals; possessed no revenue but what arose from the contributions of the States; could raise neither money nor troops, but by requisitions upon the State legislatures; and could exercise no power of any importance, without the assent of nine States. It was, in fact, but a "league of friendship," dependent, for its operation, upon the will of each of its members, and altogether unfit for a permanent government. The fundamental and fatal defect of the system, was, that it was a confederacy of States, and an attempt to govern them in their collective or sovereign capacity.

It had no means to enforce its decrees, and its power terminated in a requisition upon the States. Instead, therefore, of the mild but irresistible influence of laws upon individuals, there were only recommendations to State legislatures, conscious of their power, and tenacious of their dignity; who might refuse compliance with the requisitions, and could not be compelled to submission, unless by force of arms, and with the certainty of civil war. Imperfect as was this plan of government, it met with great opposition from the State legislatures, who were unwilling to relinquish any portion of their authority; and, at last, yielded only a reluctant assent from a sense of its necessity. It was not until the spring of 1781, that all the States agreed to the measure, and a short time was sufficient to prove its inefficiency. The evils of this confederacy are thus stated by Chancellor Kent, with equal truth and precision :

"Almost as soon as it was ratified, the States began to fail in a prompt and faithful obedience to its laws. As danger receded, instances of neglect became more frequent, and by the time of the peace of 1783, the disease of the government had displayed itself with alarming rapidity. The delinquencies of one State became a pretext or apology for those of another. The idea of supplying the pecuniary exigencies of the nation, from requisitions on the States, was soon found to be altogether delusive. The national engagements seemed to have been altogether abandoned. Even the contributions for the ordinary expenses of the government, fell almost entirely upon the two States which had the most domestic resources. Attempts were very early made by Congress, and in remonstrances the most manly and persuasive, to obtain from the several States the right of levying, for a limited time, a general impost for the exclusive purpose of providing for the discharge of

the national debt. It was found impracticable to unite the States in any provision for the national safety and honour. Interfering regulations of trade, and interfering claims of territory, were dissolving the friendly attachments, and the sense of common interest, which had cemented and sustained the union, during the arduous struggles of the Revolution. Symptoms of distress, and marks of humiliation, were rapidly accumulating. It was with difficulty that the attention of the States could be sufficiently excited, to induce them to keep up a sufficient representation in Congress, to form a quorum for business. The finances of the nation were annihilated. The whole army of the United States was reduced, in 1784, to eighty persons; and the States were urged to provide some of the militia, to garrison the western posts. In short, to use the language of the authors of the Federalist, each State, yielding to the voice of immediate interest, or convenience, successively withdrew its support from the confederation, till the frail and tottering edifice, was ready to fall upon our heads, and crush us beneath its ruins." "

Such was the state of the confederacy, after the danger in which it had originated, had passed away. But new, and even greater evils threatened the people of this country. Broken up into thirteen distinct governments, having different interests, and separated from each other by mutual jealousy; it was but too probable that they would be engaged in constant disputes, which would terminate in civil wars, and produce a state of things, in comparison with which their former subjection to England would have been a blessing. Unable to fulfil its engagements with foreign nations, or with its domestic creditors, the Union had lost its respect at home, and abroad; its requisitions had become little better than a jest and a by-word throughout the country; the States ha

bitually disregarded its authority; and it everywhere exhibited symptoms of a speedy dissolution.

The most urgent want, was that of money, to pay the debts, and defray the expenses of the government. To supply this, Congress proposed to the States to invest it with power to impose a duty of five per cent. upon all imported articles, for a limited time, but they refused; and this refusal sealed the fate of the confederacy. It has been a subject of congratulation since, that this power, so much desired at the time, was not granted. Had it been So, the government might have continued to maintain its feeble existence, and the country might have been, to this day, languishing under the baneful influence of an impotent union. But a brighter era dawned, and a new Union, which we hope will be lasting, arose from the ruins of the first.

In 1785, commissioners were appointed by the two States of Maryland and Virginia, to meet at Alexandria, to form a compact between those States relative to the navigation of the Chesapeake Bay, and also to establish a tariff of duties on imports, to which those two States should conform. Their deliberations led them to extend their views to the other States; and they agreed to recommend to their respective legislatures the appointment of delegates, to meet those from other States, for the purpose of devising some general plan for the regulation of commerce, and raising a national revenue.

Accordingly, in the month of January, 1786, the legislature of Virginia appointed commissioners, who were to meet such as might be appointed by the other States, and consult upon some plan for establishing a uniform system in their commercial relations, which might be reported to the several States for their ratification and adoption. This appointment was notified to the other States, and Annapolis, in Maryland, was